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LOVEJOY  MONUMENT,   ALTON,  ILLINOIS 

(Erected, 


THE  HISTORY  OF 

NEGRO    SERVITUDE 

IN  ILLINOIS 

AND  OF  THE 

SLAVERY  AGITATION  IN 
THAT  STATE 

1719-1864 

BY 

N.  DWIGHT  HARRIS,  Ph.D. 
PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN  LAWRENCE  UNIVERSITY 


CHICAGO 
A.  C.   McCLURG   &   CO. 

1904 


COPYRIGHT 

By  A.  C.  McCLURG  &  CO. 
1904 


Published  Sept.  15,  1904 


R.    R.    DONNELLEY   &   SONS   COMPANY 
CHICAGO 


Ha 


TO  MY  FA  THER 

whose  kindness  has  made  possible  my 
advanced  studies 

THIS  BOOK 

is  affectionately  dedicated 


'&- 


INTRODUCTORY 

'T^HIS  book  was  originally  written  for  the  University 
JL     of  Chicago,  as  a  portion  of  the  work  required  for 
the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy. 

In  preparing  the  volume  for  publication  it  was  thought 
unwise  to  sacrifice  too  largely  the  historic  value  of  the 
production  for  popularity  of  form.  It  has  been  written, 
as  far  as  possible,  from  the  original  documents  and 
sources,  but  the  present  scattered  state  of  the  material  on 
Illinois  history  has  rendered  this  task  extremely  difficult. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  results  of  these  investigations  will 
not  only  be  of  interest  to  the  general  public,  but  also  will 
serve  as  a  basis  for  a  great  history  of  the  Slavery  Con- 
flict, which  some  future  historian  of  American  History 
shall  write. 

The  author  wishes  to  express  his  appreciation  of  the 
suggestions  and  criticisms  made  by  Dr.  Asa  C.  Tilton  of 
the  University  of  Wisconsin,  who  read  the  entire  manu- 
script. He  acknowledges  his  indebtedness,  also,  to  Pro- 
fessor Frederic  J.  Turner  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin, 
President  Edmund  J.  James  of  Northwestern  University, 
and  Professors  F.  W.  Shepardson  and  J.  Franklin  Jame- 
son of  the  University  of  Chicago,  for  their  kindly  interest 
and  encouragement. 

N.  DWIGHT  HARRIS. 

Appleton,  Wisconsin, 
July,  1904, 


vli 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER        I.    THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  SLAVERY  IN  THE 

ILLINOIS  COUNTRY— 1719-1783  ...       i 

CHAPTER      II.    SLAVERY  IN  THE  ILLINOIS  TERRITORY 

—1800-1818 6 

CHAPTER     III.    SLAVERY  AND  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF 

1818 16 

CHAPTER      IV.    THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION— 

1820-1824 27 

CHAPTER  V.  NEGRO  SERVITUDE  UNDER  THE  CON- 
STITUTION OF  1818 50 

CHAPTER      VI.    THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE — IN  ST.  Louis      68 

CHAPTER    VII.    THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  (CONTINUED) — 

IN  ALTON 78 

CHAPTER  VIII.    THE     SLAVERY     QUESTION     IN    THE 

COURTS — 1819-1864 99 

CHAPTER  IX.  THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  ANTI-SLAV- 
ERY AGITATION 124 

CHAPTER       X.    THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  ILLINOIS  LIBERTY 

PARTY  AND  THE  FREE  SOIL  PARTY    146 

CHAPTER  XI.  THE  FREE  SOIL,  FREE  DEMOCRATIC, 
AND  REPUBLICAN  PARTIES— 1848- 
1856 177 


x  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER    XII.    LATER  SLAVERY  AGITATION  AND  THE 

LINCOLN-DOUGLAS  DEBATES     .    .    .    206 

CHAPTER  XIII.    THE  PROGRESS  OF  SENTIMENT  ON  THE 

NEGRO  QUESTION — 1840-1875    .    .    .    226 

APPENDICES 

I.    BIBLIOGRAPHY 245 

II.    SPECIMEN  COPIES  OF  SLAVE  PAPERS     .    .    .  258 

III.  DATA  RELATIVE  TO  THE  CONTEST  OF  1823-24.  263 

IV.  TABLE  OF  ABOLITION  VOTES          267 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGH 

LOVEJOY  MONUMENT,  ALTON,  ILL.     .    .    .  Frontispiece 
FACSIMILE  OF  UNDERGROUND   RAILWAY  ADVERTISE- 
MENT        16 

PORTRAIT — ELIJAH  P.  LOVEJOY 68 

PORTRAIT — LYMAN  J.  TRUMBULL 99 

PORTRAIT — ZEBINA  EASTMAN 124 

PORTRAIT— OWEN  LOVEJOY 146 

PORTRAIT — ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 206 

PORTRAIT — STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS  .  ,212 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  SLAVERY  IN  THE 
ILLINOIS  COUNTRY. 

1719-1783. 

The  control  of  the  French  colony  of  La  Louisiane  was 
conferred  upon  Sieur  Antoine  Crozat  on  September  14, 
1712.  He  was  authorized  at  the  same  time  to  open  a 
traffic  in  negroes  with  the  coast  of  Guinea,  provided  slave 
labor  was  necessary  for  the  development  of  the  new  coun- 
try, and  he  was  guaranteed  a  monopoly  of  the  trade.1 

M.  Crozat  failed  to  make  use  of  his  rights,  and  noth- 
ing came  of  the  first  suggestion  of  the  French  government 
concerning  the  introduction  of  slaves  into  Louisiana. 

In  August,  1717,  the  management  of  the  colony  was 
transferred  from  him  to  a  commercial  company,  called  the 
"Compagnie  de  1' Occident";2  and  the  inauguration  of 
the  slave  trade  took  place  on  June  6,  1719,  when  the  first 
merchant  ship  arrived  from  Guinea  with  five  hundred 
blacks  on  board.  These  negroes  were  destined  for  Lower 
Louisiana;  i.  e.,  the  region  between  New  Orleans  and 
Natchez.3 

In  the  same  year  Philip  Francis  Renault  left  France 
with  two  hundred  miners  and  workmen  to  pursue  the  min- 
ing industry  in  Upper  Louisiana  under  the  protection  of 

1  "Lettres  Patentes  du  Roy,  Donnees  &  Paris  le  14  Septembre,  1712." 

2  "Lettres  Patentes  du  Roy,  Donnees  a  Paris  au  mois  d'Aout,  1717,  Por- 
tant  etablissement  d'une  Compagnie  de  Commerce,  sous  le  nom  de  Com- 
pagnie  de  1'Occident  ou  La  Louisiane." 

3  For  particulars  concerning  the  beginning  of  the  slave  trade  in  Louisiana, 
see  the  Journal  of  La  Harpe,  in  Vol.  IV.,  page  119  and  following,  of  French's 
Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana. 


2  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN    ILLINOIS 

the  same  organization.  En  route  he  stopped  at  San  Do- 
mingo and  purchased  five  hundred  slaves.  On  reaching 
the  continent,  he  proceeded  to  the  northern  portion  of 
Louisiana — then  known  .as  the  "Illinois  Country" — and 
established  himself  near  Fort  Chartres,  at  a  place  which 
he  named  St.  Philip.  His  venture,  however,  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  a  success,  and  in  1744  Renault  sold 
his  negroes  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  district  and  returned 
home. 

Slaveholding  was  thus  early  introduced  into  the 
French  settlements  on  the  Upper  Mississippi.  During 
both  the  French  and  English  occupancy  of  that  region 
occasional  additions  were  made  to  this  nucleus,  but  they 
were  neither  frequent  nor  numerous.1 

By  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  French 
had  established  five  settlements  in  the  alluvial  district 
which,  beginning  at  Kohokia,2  extends  along  the  east  bank 
of  the  Mississippi  to  thlT  mouth  of  the  Kaskaskia  River. 
These  they  named  Kaskaskia,  Kohokia,  Fort  Chartres, 
St.  Philip,  and  Prairie  du  Rocher.8 

M.  Vivier,  the  French  missionary  to  the  Illinois  In- 
dians, thus  describes  this  region  in  June,  1750:  "We 
have  here  Whites,  Negroes,  and  Indians,  to  say  nothing 

of  cross-breeds There  are  five  French  villages 

and  three  villages  of  the  natives  within  a  space  of  twenty- 
one  leagues In  the  five  French  villages  there  are 

perhaps  eleven  hundred  whites,  three  hundred  blacks,  and 
some  sixty  red  slaves  or  savages.  The  three  Illinois 

1  Dunn,  in  his  "Indiana,"  on  page  258,  enumerates  the  following: 

1722 — A  number  of  families  with  slaves  were  escorted  up  from  New  Orleans 
by  Captain  Renard. 

1723 — Some  Germans  were  sent  to  Upper  Louisiana  by  the  Company  of 
the  West  and  granted  negroes. 

2  Opposite  and  a  little  below  St.  Louis. 

3  For  a  detailed  description,  see  "An  Histprical  Narrative  and  topograph- 
ical description  of  Louisiana  and  West  Florida,  comprehending  the  River 
Mississippi  with  its  branches,"  by  Thomas  Hutchins,  Philadelphia,  1784. 


SLAVERY  IN   THE   ILLINOIS   COUNTRY  3 

towns  do  not  contain  more  than  eight  hundred  souls 
[natives]  all  told."1  It  is  seen  by  this  that  Indians,  as 
well  as  negroes,  were  held  in  bondage. 

Although  the  French  king  fixed  the  price  of  blacks  at 
"660  livres  India  currency"  in  1 721,  and  issued  at  Ver- 
sailles in  March,  1724,  under  the  title  "Le  Code  Noir  ou 
Recueil  de  Reglements, " 2  a  severe  system  of  rules,  under 
which  the  slaves  of  Louisiana  were  to  be  held  and  man- 
aged, the  Illinois  settlements  were  not  particularly  affected. 
They  were  governed  by  a  "major-commandant,"  residing 
at  Fort  Chartres,  and  appointed  by  the  Governor  of  New 
Orleans;  but  the  settlers  managed  their  plantations  quite 
as  they  pleased. 

Slaves  were  regarded  as  "bien-foncier, "  or  real  prop- 
erty; but  they  were  treated  everywhere  with  much  leniency 
and  kindness.  They  were  fed  chiefly  on  maize,  and  used 
both  as  laborers  and  as  house-servants.  On  Sundays  and 
feast  days  they  were  allowed  liberties,  and  their  children 
were  taught  the  catechism.  There  were  few  large  slave 
farms.  The  majority  of  the  planters  possessed  but  a 
small  number  of  negroes.  A  man  was  well  off  if  he 
owned  three  or  four.  The  management  of  the  planta- 
tions was  just  and  liberal,  and  the  relations  existing 
between  masters  and  servants  were  friendly;  but  the 
easiest  service  was  doubtless  on  the  lands  of  the  Jesuit 
missionaries.3 

The  condition  of  the  negroes  in  the  southern  district 
of  Louisiana,  of  which  New  Orleans  was  the  centre,  was 
wretched  in  the  extreme.  The  "Code  Noir"  was  rigidly 
enforced,  the  masters  indifferent,  the  overseers  often 

1  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  69,  page  144. 

2  For  an  English  translation,  see  Dillon's  "Indiana,"  Vol.  I.,  page  41. 

3  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  6g,  page  145,  et  seq.;  Vol.  67,  page  283;  Vol.  70, 
pages  232,  233. 


4  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN    ILLINOIS 

cruel,  the  district  of  country  unhealthy,  and  the  character 
of  their  work  debilitating  as  well  as  degrading.1 

When  the  Illinois  Country  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
English  (1763),  its  total  population  was  about  three  thou- 
sand. Of  these  a  large  proportion — about  nine  hundred 
— were  negro  slaves.  General  Thomas  Gage  gave  the 
French  the  alternative  of  selling  without  restraint  their 
estates  and  removing  with  their  personal  property,  or  of 
becoming  English  subjects.2  A  large  number  decided  to 
leave,  and  disposed  of  their  lands  and  slaves.  Of  these 
some  went  to  New  Orleans,  but  the  majority  crossed  the 
river  to  St.  Louis,  ,St.  Girardeau,  and  neighboring  towns. 
The  Jesuits  departed  for  TNTew  Orleans  with  forty-eight 
negroes,  whom  they  sold,  and  then  returned  to  France.3 

This  decrease  in  population  was  attended  by  a  corre- 
sponding decline  in  the  prosperity  of  the  region — already 
noticeable  when  Captain  Philip  Pittman  visited  it  in  1770. 
He  gives  an  interesting  picture  of  the  towns  and  planta- 
tions, and  mentions,  among  others,  M.  Beauvais,  who 
owned  "240  arpens  of  cultivated  land  and  eighty  slaves," 
a  captain  of  militia  at  St.  Philip  possessing  twenty  blacks, 
and  M.  Balet — the  richest  man  in  Illinois — who  resided  at 
St.  Genevieve,  and  controlled  "a  hundred  negroes,  besides 
hired  white  people  constantly  employed."  4 

The  population  of  the  district  had  decreased  at  that 
time  to  about  sixteen  hundred  inhabitants,  of  whom  about 

1  For  details  on  the  condition  of  the  negro  slaves  in  Lower  Louisiana  at 
this  time,  see: 

Dumont,  "Memoirs  de  La  Louisiane,"  1753;  "Vue  de  la  Colonie  Espagnole 
du  Mississippi,"  1803. 

Robin,  C.C.,  "Voyages  dans  1'lnterieur  de  La  Louisiane,    1807. 

La  Harpe,  Journal  in  Vols.  III.  and  IV.  of  French's  Historical  Collections 
of  Louisiana. 

*  Proclamation  dated  at  New  York,  December  30,  1764. 

3  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  70,  page  283. 

4  "The  Present  State  of  the  European  Settlements  on  the  Mississippi," 
by  Captain  P.  Pittman,  London,  1770. 


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SLAVERY   IN   THE   ILLINOIS   COUNTRY  5 

six  hundred  were  slaves.  By  the  end  of  the  century  mi- 
gration from  the  East  and  South  had  begun,  whereby  the 
population  of  the  Illinois  Country  was  considerably 
increased. 

The  English  government  laid  no  restrictions  upon  the 
holding  of  negroes  as  slaves  by  settlers  of  this  region,  and 
when  it  came  under  the  control  of  the  United  States,  slav- 
ery still  existed  there  unhampered. 


CHAPTER   II. 

SLAVERY   IN   THE   TERRITORY. 
1800-1818. 

When  Virginia  ceded  her  claims  on  the  Territory  of 
the  Northwest  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
she  stipulated  that  the  French,  Canadian,  and  other 
inhabitants  of  Kaskaskia  and  the  neighboring  villages 
should  be  allowed  to  retain  their  possessions  and  to  enjoy 
their  ancient  rights  and  liberties.1  The  continuance  of 
these  privileges  was  guaranteed  by  Congress  in  the 
Ordinance  of  1787;  but  a  clause  prohibiting  slavery  in 
the  district  "Northwest  of  the  river  Ohio"  was  inserted 
in  the  same  instrument.2  • 

The  residents  of  the  Illinois  Country  were  considerably 
disturbed  by  this  latter  provision,  and  many  thought  of 
moving  across  the  Mississippi  into  Spanish  territory. 
Governor  St.  Clair,  however,  chose  to  interpret  the  clause 
as  intended  only  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  slaves,  and 
not  as  aiming  at  the  emancipation  of  those  already  there; 
and  the  migration  did  not  take  place.3  All  doubts  grad- 
ually disappeared;  the  view  of  the  governor  was  univers- 
ally accepted;  and  ere  loag  the  belief  that  article  VI.  of 
the  Ordinance  of  1787  in  no  way  affected  the  existing 
relations  between  masters  and  servants  became  a  settled 
conviction. 

1  Deed  of  Cession,  March  i,  1784. 

2  Ordinance  of  1787,  articles  II.  and  VI. 

3  St.  Clair  to  the  President  of  the  United  States;  St.  Clair  Papers,  Vol.  II., 
page  176. 

6 


SLAVERY  IN   THE  TERRITORY  7 

Governor  Ninian  Edwards — one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished lawyers  in  the  Territory — maintained  in  1817  that 
the  Ordinance  of  1/87  permitted  "voluntary"  servitude; 
i.  e.,  the  indenturing  of  negroes  for  limited  periods  of 
service.  He  advocated  reducing  the  term  to  one  year, 
and  advanced  the  belief  that  such  contracts  were  "reason- 
able within  themselves,  beneficial  to  the  slaves,  and  not 
repugnant  to  the  public  interests."1  Some  of  the  less 
learned  citizens  advanced  the  argument,  that  since  the 
French  had  obviously  the  right  to  retain  their  slaves  the 
other  settlers  of  Illinois  possessed  the  same  right.2 

No  reference  was  made  to  the  subject  of  slavery  in 
the  first  three  General  Assemblies  of  the  Northwest  Terri- 
tory, other  than  the  levying  of  a  tax  on  all  negroes  over 
twenty-one  years  of  age.3 

ByH[8O3,  however,  it  was  found  necessary  to  provide 
some  legal  status  for  the  numerous  indentured  blacks,  and 
to  regulate  the  relations  between  masters  and  servants.  ' 
The  Governing  Council  of  Indiana  proceeded  to  draw  up  a 
slave  code,  the  chief  material  for  which  was  obtained 
from  the  codes  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  This  set  of 
laws  was  re-enacted,  in  the  main,  by  the  Indiana  Terri- 
torial Assemblies  of  1805  and  1807;  and  it  was  regarded 
as  a  legal  authorization  of  the  existing  system  of  inden- 
tures. 

Under  the  provisions  of  this  code,  all  male  negroes* 
under  fifteen  years  of  age,  either  owned  or  acquired,  must 

1  "Western  Intelligencer,"  January  i,  1818.    Speech  to  the  Legislature. 

4  John  Grammer  of  Union  County  is  credited  with  having  expressed  him- 
self in  the  Legislature  a  few  years  later,  as  follows:  "1  will  show  that  are  propo- 
sition is  unconstitutionable,  inlegal,  and  forninst  the  compact.  Don't  every  one 
knpw,  or  leastwise  had  ought  to  know,  that  Congress  that  sot  at  Post  Vinsan 
[Vincennes]  garnisheed  to  the  old  French  inhabitants  the  right  to  their  nig- 
gars,  and  h'aint  1  got  as  much  rights  as  any  Frenchman  in  this  State?  Answer 
me  that,  sir!"  Memoirs  of  Judge  Gillespie. 

8  Statutes  of  Ohio,  1788-1833  (Chase),  Vol.  I.,  Chapter  3. 


o  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

serve  till  the  age  of  thirty-five;  women  till  thirty-two. 
Children  born  to  persons  of  color  during  the  period  of 
service  could  also  be  bound  out — the  boys  for  thirty  years 
and  the  girls  for  twenty-eight.  All  slaves  brought  into 
the  Territory  were  obliged  to  serve  the  full  term  of  their 
contracts;  but  all  owners  were  required  to  register  their 
servants  with  the  County  Clerk  within  thirty  days  after 
entering  the  Territory.  Transfers  from  one  master  to 
another  were  permitted,  provided  the  slave  gave  his  (or 
her)  consent  before  a  notary.1 

Other  provisions  were  added  concerning  the  duties  of 
masters  to  servants.  Wholesome  food,  sufficient  cloth- 
ing, and  lodging  were  to  be  provided  for  each  slave.  The 
outfit  for  a  servant  was  enumerated  as  follows:  "A  coat, 
waistcoat,  a  pair  of  breeches,  one  pair  of  shoes,  two  pair 
of  stockings,  a  hat,  and  a  blanket."2  Not  an  abundant 
supply  surely,  but  it  did  well  for  a  beginning.  No  pro- 
vision was  made  for  a  future  increase  of  wardrobe.  Nor 
was  there  any  penalty  connected  with  a  failure  to  provide 
the  original  outfit;  and  no  evidence  is  obtainable  that 
masters  generally  complied  with  this  enactment,  or  trou- 
bled themselves  greatly  concerning  the  servants'  food  or 
clothing. 

Lazy  or  indifferent  servants  might,  on  an  order  from 
the  Justice  of  the  County,  be  punished  by  whipping.  It 
is  not  to  be  inferred  from  this  that  the  owners  always 
went  through  the  form  of  procuring  a  license  before  pro- 
ceeding to  the  punishment  of  refractory  negroes.  In 
those  free  and  easy  days,  when  the  administration  of 
justice  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  were  no  easy 

'Laws  of  the  First  General  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana,  1805, 
Chapter  26. 

2  Laws  of  the  Fourth  Session  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  of  Indiana  Terri- 
tory, Subdivision  II.,  Sections  3  and  4. 


SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRITORY  9 

matter,  owing  to  the  isolation  of  the  various  communities 
and  the  lack  of  efficient  machinery  for  carrying  out  the 
decrees  of  Governors  and  Legislatures,  the  letter  of  the 
law  was  not  always  closely  adhered  to.  The  landowners 
were  left  unmolested  in  the  management  of  their  estates; 
and  the  question  of  the  treatment  of  servants  was  very 
seldom  if  ever  raised. 

Negroes  who  refused  to  work  or  who  tried  to  run  away 
must  serve  two  days  extra  time  for  every  idle  or  absent 
day;  and  the  expenses  of  recapture  were  to  be  worked 
out  by  the  servant  in  extra  service.  Any  person  harbor- 
ing a  runaway  slave  must  pay  the  master  one  dollar  for 
each  day  that  he  concealed  the  negro.  It  was  forbidden 
under  severe  penalty '  to  trade  or  deal  with  a  servant  with- 
out the  consent  of  his  master.  Negroes  or  mulattoes 
might  purchase  servants,  provided  these  were  not  white. 
They  could  retain  all  goods  or  money  acquired  by  gift  or 
other  lawful  means  during  their  servitude,  if  their  master 
gave  consent;  and  they  might  obtain  certificates  of  free- 
dom from  the  county  courts  on  presentation  of  proof  that 
they  had  served  out  their  time.2 

I  An  attempt  was  made  to  protect  the  servants  from 
cruelty  or  unfair  treatment  on  the  part  of  the  master. 
The  county  courts  were  to  punish  all  owners  guilty  of  ill- 
treatment  of  their  slaves;  but  we  are  left  in  ignorance  as 
to  how  the  masters  were  to  be  proved  guilty  of  this  mis- 
demeanor. It  is  to  be  inferred,  however,  that  it  was 
through  the  testimony  of  neighbors  rather  than  by  any 
complaint  on  the  part  of  the  negro,  since  the  latter  was 
forbidden  to  serve  as  a  witness,  save  in  cases  where 

1  "Four  times  the  value  of  the  things  sold;  the  costs,  $20  for  any  one  who 
sues;  or  39  lashes  well  laid  on  his  or  her  bare  back." 

a  Acts  of  the  Fourth  Session  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  of  Indiana  Terri- 
tory, 1803.  Subdivision  11.,  Sections  4-12.  Acts  of  First  Session  of  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  Chapter  26. 


10  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

colored  people  alone  were  concerned.  It  was  provided 
further  that  "all  contracts  between  master  and  servant 
during  the  time  of  service  shall  be  void";  and  masters 
who  allowed  any  sick  or  lame  negro  to  become  a  county 
charge  were  to  be  fined  thirty  dollars.1 

Servants  of  color  were  not  allowed  to  serve  in  the 
State  militia,2  to  have  bail  when  arrested,8  to  engage  in 
unlawful  assemblies,  or  to  absent  themselves  from  the 
plantation  of  their  owner  without  a  special  pass  or  token.* 

Finally,  if  any  negro  should  refuse  to  serve  his  master 

when  brought  into  Illinois,  the  owner  might  remove  to 

f  any  of  the  slave  states  with  his  property  within  sixty  days. 

The  above  code5  was  by  no  means  a  dead  letter; 
for  the  evidence  is  ample  to  prove  that  an  extensive  sys- 
tem of  indentured  servants  was  carried  on  under  its  pro- 
lection.  During  the  decade  following  1807,  a  large 
number  of  negroes  were  brought  in  and  registered.  In 
the  four  counties  of  Gallatin,  St.  Clair,  Madison,  and 
Randolph  alone,  there  were  over  three  hundred,6  and  the 
whole  number  of  slaves  in  the  Territory  increased  from 
one  hundred  and  thirty-five  in  1800,  to  seven  hundred  and 
forty-nine  in  l820.7 

1  Acts  of  the  First  General  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana,  Chap- 
ter 26. 

*  Acts  of  the  Third  General  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana,  concern- 
ing militia,  September  17,  1807. 

3  Acts  of  the  Third  General  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana,  concern- 
ing practice  in  the  General  Court. 

4  Acts  of  the  Third  General  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana,  Chapter 
o,  Sections  2-3. 

•This  was  known  in  later  years  as  the  "Black  Code."  It  appeared  again 
in  the  Constitution  of  1818,  the  Statutes  at  Large  of  1818-1819,  and  the  Consti- 
tution of  1848,  and  was  not  repealed  till  February  7,  1865. 

•The  precise  number  cannot  be  ascertained,  since  the  Registers  of  St. 
Clair  and  Gallatin  counties  have  not  been  preserved.  The  Registers  of  Madi- 
son and  Randolph  counties  give  a  total  of  253  actually  registered;  and  from 
Wills,  Bills  of  Sale,  and  County  Court  Records  it  is  possible  to  enumerate 
;it  least  324  instances  of  indentured  negroes  in  the  four  counties.  Unfortu- 
nately the  records  of  Jackson  County  were  destroyed  by  fire  on  January  10, 
1843,  and  its  valuable  Register  of  Sla\es  was  also  consumed. 

7  United  States  Census,  1800  and  1820. 


SLAVERY   IN   THE  TERRITORY  II 

The  greater  proportion  of  the  negroes  came  from  Ken- 
tucky  and  Tennessee,  although  numbers  were  brought  also 
from  Virginia,  the  Carolinas,  Maryland,  and  even  Louisi- 
ana.1    A  considerable    number  of  these  servants  were 
registered  to  serve  till  the  age  limit  fixed  by  law  wa 
reached.    jjhis  meant  from  ten  to  twenty  years  in  mos 
cases,  as  the  majority  of  negroes  brought  into  the  Terri- 
tory were  mere  boys  and  girls.  2j 

Most  of  the  settlers  owned  slaves  and  were  anxious  to 
get  as  much  service  out  of  them  as  possible.  Some,  it  is 
true,  like  Governor  Coles,  came  into  the  state  for  the 
express  purpose  of  freeing  their  negroes,  but  these  were 
exceptions.  The  majority  purchased  slaves  when  veryv 
young  in  order  to  secure  the  longest  legal  terms  of  service] 
Not  satisfied  with  that,  they  registered  them  for  periods 
of  servitude  far  in  excess  of  the  legal  limit,  many  being 
booked  to  serve  from  forty  to  sixty,  and  even  ninety-nine 
years.3 

Ninian  Edwards,  the  first  Governor  of  the  Territory. 
who  knew  the  law  well  enough  to  register  several  slaves 
in  strict  accord  with  its  provisions,  felt  quite  free  to  ente^ 
his  servants:  Rose,  twenty-three  years  of  age,  for  thirty- 


1  Of  IQO  registered  by  the  County  Clerk  of  Randolph  County,  81  came  from 
Kentucky,  19  from  Tennessee,  13  from  Virginia,  13  from  Louisiana,  5  each  from 
the  Carolinas  and  Maryland,  4  from  Georgia,  4  from  Missouri,  a  few  scattering, 
and  36  former  residence  not  given. 

*  For  example,  Benjamin  Stephenspn  registered  with  the  Clerk  of  Madison 
County,  on  June  15,  1817,  six  negro  children:  Moriah,  42  days  old;  Barkeley,  2 
years;  Debb,  4  years;  Winn,  6  years;  Frank,  8;  and  Louisa,  14  years  old. 

3  Madison  County  Records: 

1815,  October  23,  Sam,  aged  15,  bound  to  serve  50  years. 
1810,  May  31,  Nat,  aged  17,  bound  to  serve  35  years. 

1817,  May  12,  Willis,  aged  16,  bound  to  serve  50  years. 

1818,  May  12,  Sarah,  aged  10,  bound  to  serve  90  years. 
1818,  June  29,  Milly,  aged  10,  bound  to  serve  4$  years. 
1817,  November  6,  Peter,  aged  17,  bound  to  serve  99  years. 

Randolph  County  Records  and  others: 

1810,  July  14,  Maria,  aged  15,  bound  to  serve  45  years. 

1811,  March  8,  Jean,  aged  19,  bound  to  serve  91  years. 

1811,  November  19,  Duncley,  aged  16,  bound  to  serve  40  years. 
1815,  December  6,  Rebecca,  aged  16,  bound  to  serve  40  years. 


12  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

five  years;  Antony,  forty  years  old,  for  fifteen  years; 
Maria,  fifteen  years  of  age,  for  forty-five  years;  and  Jesse, 
twenty- five  years  of  age,  for  thirty-five  years  of  service.1 

,The  law  was  further  evaded  by  registering  the  children 
of  colored  servants  for  thirty-five  in  place  of  thirty  years 
-of  service  on  the  ground  that  they  were  not  born  in  Illi- 
nois. A  case  in  point  is  Ninian  Edward's  Joseph,  whom 
he  registered  at  Kaskaskia  on  June  14,  1810,  to  serve 
thirty-five  years.  Joseph  was  then  eighteen  months  old, 
and  had  just  been  brought  into  the  Territory  with  his 
mother.9 

All  this  the  masters  did  knowingly,  believing,  quite 
rightly,  that  no  one  would  take  the  trouble  to  prosecute 
Wiem  for  holding  their  slaves  to  unlawful  service.  £jhe 
ignorant  negroes  were  deceived  into  believing  that  it  was 
legal  and  just  to  bind  themselves  for  such  long  periods. 
<This  deception  was  kept  up  until  1840;  and  one  of  the 
chief  complaints  of  the  slaveholders  against  the  lawyers 
who  later  defended  the  negroes  in  the  State  Courts  was, 
"You  tell  our  slaves  they  are  free."  3 

-Transfers  of  colored  servants  were  frequent.  The 
consent  of  the  servant  being  legally  necessary,  it  was  cus- 
tomary to  secure  it  by  a  commutation  of  the  term  of  ser- 
vitude, as  in  the  case  of  Jane,  whom  Hezekiah  Davis  of 
Jackson  County  sold  in  August,  1817,  to  Samuel  Coch- 
ran,  and  whose  term  of  service  was  shortened  from  fifty 
to  forty  years.4  Judging  from  the  bills  of  sale  still  extant, 
it  is  evident  that  this  formality  was  frequently  overlooked, 

1  County  Clerk's  Register  Randolph  County,  June  8  and  July  14,  1810,  June 
17,  1811. 

*  County  Clerk's  Register  at  Chester,  June  14, 1810.  Also  St.  Clair  County 
Records  under  date  of  August  24,  1852. 

Silvy,  one  month  old,  was  also  registered  on  October  n,  1816. 

3  Personal  testimony  of  Nathaniel  Niles,  one  of  the  leading  antislavery  law- 
yers in  south-central  Illinois  before  the  war. 

*See  Appendix  11. 


SLAVERY  IN  THE  TERRITORY       13 

and  masters  disposed  of  their  property  without  consulting 
the  wishes  of  the  slaves  themselves. 

Negroes  were  also  bequeathed  by  will  and  sold  at  au<S) 
tion *  like  any  species  of  personal  property.  In  making 
bequests  some  citizens  evidently  believed  that  they  pos- 
sessed their  slaves,  soul  and  body,  for  all  time.  The 
majority  of  these  were  French,2  but  some  were  men  of 
genuine  Southern  pioneer  stock.3  Others,  like  Samuel 
Campbell  and  Benjamin  West,  although  believing  quite  as 
firmly  in  the  right  of  holding  slaves,  transferred  to  their 
descendants  the  "time"  of  their  servants  and  made  just 
stipulations  for  their  freedom  in  the  future.4 

No  attempt  was  made  to  conceal  the  traffic  in  slaves^) 
Frequent  notices  of  desirable  negroes  "for  sale"  and 
"wanted"  appeared  in  the  "Western  Intelligencer"  of 
Kaskaskia.  The  "Missouri  Gazette,"  published  at  St. 
Louis,  and  enjoying  a  considerable  circulation  in  Illinois, 
contained,  from  1808  to  1820,  many  similar  advertise- 
ments. The  St.  Louis  Exchange  and  Land  Office,  owned 
by  S.  R.  Wiggins,  and  dealing  largely  in  slaves,  not  only 
advertised  in  the  Illinois  papers,  but  also  had  branch 
offices  at  Kaskaskia  and  Edwardsville.6  It  was  easy, 
however,  for  the  settlers  of  Southwestern  Illinois  to  cross 
the  Mississippi  to  St.  Charles  or  St.  Louis,  and  the  in- 
habitants of  Gallatin  County  to  visit  Kentucky,  at  any 
time  to  purchase  slaves. 

1  Auction  sales  were  advertised  in  the  "Western  Intelligencer,"  as,  tor  exam- 
ple, on  January  22,  1817,  and  January  13, 1818.  Records  of  them  are  preserved 
also  at  some  of  the  county-seats. 

•See  will  of  Michael  Lacroix  of  Kohokia,  probated  in  St.  Clair  County, 
June  22,  1848,  but  signed  April  12,  1821. 

3  For  example,  Benjamin  Keykendall  of  Gallatin  County,  who  bequeathed 
to  Polly  Gatten,  his  negro  boy  David  "to  have  and  to  hold  as  her  own  prop- 
erty from  this  time  forth  and  forever."    Gallatin  County  Will  Record,  March 
31,  1814. 

4  Gallatin  County  Will  Record.July  17,  1821. 

St.  Clair  County  Will  Record,  December  6,  i8iq. 

8  "Western  Intelligencer,"  January  23  and  February  4, 1818. 


H  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

JFhe  lot  of  the  indentured  servant  was  not  so  pleasant 
but  that  he  was  glad  to  escape  from  it.  The  first  num- 
bers of  the  "Western  Intelligencer"  contain  rewards 
t>ffered  for  runaway  slaves;  and  similar  notices  continued 
to  appear  until  long  after  the  Territory  became  a  State.1 
-Even  at  this  early  day,  too,  the  practice  of  kidnapping 
had  begun.  Negroes  whose  terms  of  service  were  about 
to  expire  were  seized,  carried  off  to  New  Orleans  and 
the  South,  and  sold  into  a  servitude  more  wretched  than 
before.  The  Legislature  laid  the  penalty  of  a  thousand 
dollars  fine  on  the  abduction  of  a  slave;  but  the  practice 
continued  unabated.2 

Indentured  servants  were  of  course  taxable  property; 
and  in  two  counties  at  least  owners  were  taxed  a  dollar 
per  year  for  each  one  held.3  Their  worth  depended 
largely  upon  the  length  of  their  term  of  service  still  to 
run.  One  year's  time  of  a  negro  was  sold  for  one  hun- 
dred dollars.  The  prices  of  boys  and  girls  varied  from 
three  hundred  to  six  hundred  dollars,  according  to  their 
physical  qualifications  and  the  period  of  servitude.  They 
were  used,  moreover,  as  security  for  the  payment  of 
notes,  or  the  fulfilment  of  contracts,  and  if  men  had  no 
use  for  their  servants  themselves,  they  rented  them  out 
by  the  year  to  their  neighbors.4 
|  The  commonest  form  of  employment  for  the  negroes 

1  They  are  to  be  found  in  the  "Edwardsville  Spectator"  as  late  as  1829. 

1  "Western  Spy"  (published  at  Cincinnati)  July  25, 1817.  Articles  on  Kid- 
napping in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois. 

"Western  Intelligencer,"  May  7,  1817,  and  "Edwardsville  Spectator," 
August  14,  1819. 

"These  were  Madison  and  Randolph. 

Madison  County,  Records  and  Indentures,  1813-1818,  Vol.  1,  page  12. 

Randolph  County,  Records  of  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  Vols.  I.  and  II., 
page  145. 

4  See  especially  cases  in  Madison  County  Records.  Also  Memorandum 
of  transaction  between  Louis  Keykendall  and  John  Cranshaw  of  Shawneetown 
concerning  a  note  of  $2,000,  now  in  possession  of  Charles  Carroll,  Jr.,  of  Shawnee- 
town, and  letter  of  Ninian  Edwards  to  Colonel  Wright,  dated  June  23, 1829,  also 
in  possession  of  Mr.  Carroll. 


SLAVERY   IN   THE  TERRITORY  15 

was  tilling  the_soil  of  the  plantations,  as  the  farms  int 
Southern  Illinois  were  then  called;  but  they  were  also 
used  in  all  kinds  of  household  Jtork,  and  served  as  waiters 
in  the  taverns,  as  dairymen,  as  shoemakers  t  as  cooks,  and 
as  toilers  in  the  salt-mines.1  The  hiring  of  negroes  for 
the  last  named  industry,  legalized  by  statute  in  1814$, 
served  as  a  pretext  for  the  holding  of  slaves  in  other  parts 
of  the  Territory. 

"To  roll  a  barrel  of  salt  once  a  year  or  to  put  salt  into 
a  salt-cellar  was  sufficient  excuse,"  says  Governor  Flower, 
"for  any  man  to  hire  a  slave  and  raise  a  field  of  corn."  8 
This  was  not  the  only  scheme  resorted  to  in  order  to 
evade  the  laws.     The  word  "servant"  was  used  to  cover 
a  multitude  of  sins.     No  matter  under  what  name  the 
farmers  held  their  negroes  —  whether  as  "servants,"  "yel- 
low boys,"  or  "colored  girls"  —  the.  far^  still  remained  thatl 
slavery  existed  in  the  Territory  of  Illinois  as  completely  asj 
in  any  of  the  Southern  States.     It  was  netJimited  to  the* 
settlements  and  towns  along  the  Ohio  and   Mississippi 
rivers,  but  was  practised  all  over  the  southern  portion  of 
what  is  now  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  as  fe 


gamon  County,4  which  was  then   just  beginning  to  be 
settled. 

1  In  this  connection  one  should  note  the  advertisements  in  the  "Western 
Intelligencer"  and  "Edwardsville  Spectator"  during  the  years  i8i6-i8ig. 

2  Statutes  of  1814,  December  22,  Act  concerning  Negroes  and  Mulattoes. 
'George  Flower,  "History  of  the  English  Settlement  of  Edwards  County," 

Chapter  1. 

4  Records  of  Sangamon  County  Probate  Court,  Vol.  B,  pages  88-89,  case  of 
Benjamin  Farmer,  etc. 


CHAPTER   III. 

SLAVERY  AND   THE   CONSTITUTION   OF 
1818. 

The  situation  in  the  years  just  previous  to  the  forming 
of  the  first  constitution  of  Illinois  was  a  curious  and  inter- 
esting one.  The  majority  of  the  population,  other  than 
the  French,  were  recent  emigrants  from  the  Southern 
States — Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Virginia,  the  Carolinas, 
and  Georgia  furnished  the  greater  proportion.1 

Those  from  the  first  three  mentioned  States  were  the 
better  and  more  enlightened  class  of  Southerners.  They 
were  keen,  intelligent  men,  progressive  in  spirit,  but  con- 
servative by  nature.  Ever  kindly  and  hospitable  to  stran- 
gers and  friends,  they  became,  when  once  aroused,  bitter, 
passionate,  and  vindictive  opponents  in  business  or  poli- 
tics. Strong  in  their  convictions  and  prejudices,  persist- 
ent in  the  maintenance  of  existing  ideals  and  institutions, 
they  were  the  champions  of  justice,  equity,  and  freedom 
of  speech  and  action. 

Some,  like  Reynolds,  Edwards,  Coles,  and  Breese, 
possessing  great  political  and  legal  talents,  rose  to  posi- 
tions of  importance  in  the  State  and  Nation.  The  greater 
number  were  proslavery  in  their  sympathies  and  ideals, 
although  some,  like  Governor  Coles,  were  strong  anti- 
slavery  men,  and  had  come  to  Illinois  on  purpose  to  free 
their  negroes. 

1  Records  of  Indentured  Servants  in  Randolph  and  Madison  Counties. 
John  Woods,  "Two  Years'  Residence  in  the  Illinois  Country,"  Pub.  1822.  Geo. 
Flower,  "History  of  the  English  Settlement  of  Edwards  County." 

16 


SLAVERY  AND   THE   CONSTITUTION  17 

The  majority  of  those  who  had  migrated  to  the  Terri- 
tory from  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas  belonged  to  that 
class  now  usually  designated  as  "poor  whites."  They 
were  ignorant,  shiftless,  and  obstinate.  To  secure  their 
ends  they  were  often  unscrupulous  and  dishonest.  The 
times  were  hard,  and  the  ways  and  means  of  earning  a 
livelihood  extremely  limited.  In  the  struggle  for  existence 
these  Georgians  had  little  use  for  soft  measures,  but  sought 
success  by  hook  or  crook,  with  little  regard  for  persons  or 
principles.  On  the  subject  of  slavery  they  retained  the 
ideas  and  prejudices  of  their  youth.  They  were  opposed 
to  the  presence  of  the  free  negro,  and_clung  with  great 
persistence  to  their  "colored  servants."  Some  would 
have  liked  to  have  Illinois  a  slave  State,  and  all  possessed 
a  strong  antipathy  for  the  settlers  from  the  East,  whom 
they  designated  as  "Yankees." 

]  All  classes  of  Illinoisans  were  strong  believers  in  the 
personal  rights  and  liberties,  guaranteed  to  all  citizens  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Every  man  was  a 
politician,  intensely  interested  in  all  questions  relating  to 
the  welfare  and  development  of  the  State.  Three  weeks' 
residence  qualified  one  to  vote.1  There  were  no  organized 
political  parties,  and  the  citizens  simply  took  sides  on  the 
leading  questions  of  the  day,  such  as  the  opening  up  of 
the  new  Territorial  lands,  the  formation  of  a  judiciary, 
the  Indian  problem,  internal  improvements,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  State  bank.2  The  contests  were  between 
men  rather  than  measures.  Each  candidate  placed  himself 
in  nomination — usually  through  the  medium  of  the  news-^ 
papers — and  ran  chiefly  on  his  own  merits. 

The  slavery  question  came  into  prominence  as  a  politi- 

1  "Illinois  Intelligencer,"  September  2,  1818,  Editorial.    The  Constitution 
of  1818  made  six  months'  residence  a  prerequisite  of  citizenship. 
-  See  the  "Western  Intelligencer"  during  the  years  1816-17. 


1 8  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

cal  issue  as  early  as  December,  1817.'  It  first  appeared 
in  connection  with  the  framing  of  the  Constitution  of 
1818.  The  holders  of  colored  servants  felt  reasonably 
secure  in  the  possession  of  their  property  because  of  the 
Territorial  legislation2  supporting  the  indenture  system 
and  of  the  publicly  expressed  opinions  of  Governors  St. 
Clair  and  Ninian  Edwards.3  Yet,  as  the  time  for  the 
drawing  up  of  the  State  Constitution  drew  near,  the  pro- 
indenture  advocates  began  to  lose  confidence  in  the  legal 
strength  of  their  position. 

It  was  seen  that  in  order  to  secure  the  admission  of 
Illinois  into  the  Union,  its  constitution  must  express  itself 
against  slavery — nominally  at  least.  This  the  proslavery 
leaders  determined  should  be  done.  At  the  same  time 
they  believed  that  the  new  State  Legislature  could,  if  it 
so  desired,  legally  reenact  later  all  of  the  old  Territorial 
code  of  "Black  Laws."  In  order  not  to  arouse  public 
suspicion,  great  secrecy  was  observed  concerning  their 
plans  and  ultimate  object. 

The  Constitutional  Convention  was  to  meet  at  Kaskas- 
kia  in  August,  1818.  As  early  as  April  1st,  articles  dis- 
cussing the  advisability  of  making  Illinois  a  slave  State, 
and  vice  versa,  began  to  appear  in  the  "Western  Intelli- 
gencer." 4  After  the  i/th  of  June  there  was  scarcely  an 
edition  that  did  not  contain  one  or  more  communications 
on  the  subject. 

1  See  the  report  on  the  debate  in  the  Legislature  concerning  the  repeal  of 
the  act  admitting  negroes  and  mulattoes  into  the  Territory,  in  the  "Western  In- 
telligencer," for  December  18, 1817.  Also  Governor  Coles's  letter  to  the  Rev. 
Thos.  Lippencott  on  this  point,  published  by  Lippencott  in  the  "Alton  Tele- 
graph," February  24,  1865,  in  which  Coles  says  (after  denying  Mr.  Lippencott's 
statement  in  his  "Reminiscences,"  that  the  slavery  question  was  probably 
not  agitated  before  the  Constitution  Convention  of  1818):  "On  the  contrary,  at 
a  very  early  period  in  the  settlement  of  Illinois,  the  question  was  warmly  agi- 
tated by  zealous  advocates  and  opponents  of  slavery. 

*  Described  in  Chapter  11. 

*  See  above,  pages  12,  13. 

•"'Western  Intelligencer,"  April  i,  1817,  article  entitled  "Slavery,"  and 
signed  "A  Republican. 


SLAVERY  AND   THE   CONSTITUTION  19 

[The  main  arguments  advanced  in  favor  of  slavery  were : 
that  it  would  tend  to  increase  the  tide  of  emigration  from 
the  Southern  States  towards  Illinois,  and  thereby  to  pro- 
mote the  speedy  settlement  and  improvement  of  the 
country;  that  slave  labor  was  necessary  to  the  opening  up 
of  the  new  lands;  that  the  liability  of  slave  insurrections 
was  less  when  the  negroes  were  distributed  over  the  nation ; 
and  that,  to  provide  the  colored  people  with  a  partial  es- 
cape from  the  servitude  of  the  South  by  the  possibility  of 
a  transfer  to  the  lighter  indenture  system  of  Illinois,  would 
be  an  inestimable  blessing  to  the  race.1 

All  this  was  refuted  with  considerable  force  and  skill 
by  the  antislavery  supporters,  who  maintained  that  slavery 
was  a  great  social  and  economic,  as  well  as  moral,  evil ; 
and  that  its  perpetuation  in  Illinois  would  impede  rather 
than  advance  the  progress  of  the  new  State. 

Several  compromises  were  suggested,  but  only  one 
was  practical.  This  appeared  in  an  article  signed  "Pacifi- 
cus"  and  addressed  to  the  "Honorable  Members  of  the 
Convention  of  the  Illinois  Territory."  It  advocated  the 
incorporation  of  the  existing  indenture  system  in  the  new 
constitution,  provided  the  term  of  service  were  made  forty 
years,  the  slaves  were  instructed  in  religion  and  the  rudi- 
ments of  education,  and  that  a  general  emancipation 
should  occur  on  January  I,  i860.2  This  proposal  met 
with  little  acceptance,  partly  because  "Pacificus"  was  in 
advance  of  his  times,  and  partly  because  of  the  opposition 
to  long  term  indentures,  then  becoming  general.8 

1  "Western  Intelligencer,"  April  i,  June  17,  July  i,  2,  and  22,  etc.  "A 
Friend  to  Inquiry"  exclaims  (July  22),  "And  would  it  not  be  a  proud  triumph  to 
our  posterity,  after  the  business  of  universal  emancipatwn  shall  have  been 
effected,  in  tracing  the  effect  to  the  cause,  to  find  its  origin  in  the  benevolent 
policy  of  our  Territory?" 

4  Published  in  the  "Western  Intelligencer,"  August  12, 1818. 

3  This  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Constitution  of  1818  reduced  the  time 
limit  of  indentures  from  thirty-five  to  twenty-one  years.  Ninian  Edwards  ex- 
pressed himself  strongly  in  favor  of  one  year. 


20  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

The  election  of  delegates  to  the  convention  occurred 
early  in  July.  The  votes  were  all  given  viva  voce;  and 
there  was  but  one  polling  place  in  each  county.  Although 
no  organized  political  parties  existed,  the  majority  of  the 
candidates  were  either  professed  opponents  or  well-known 
advocates  of  slavery.  Some,  like  Mr.  Elisha  Kane,  of 
Randolph  County,  tried  to  evade  the  direct  issue.1 

The  constitutional  convention  met  on  the  3d  of  August, 
and  completed  its  work  on  the  26th  of  the  same  month. 
Thirty-three  delegates  were  present,  representing  fifteen 
counties.  Among  the  prominent  members  were  Jesse  B. 
Thomas,  E.  K.  Kane,  Hezekiah  West,  and  James  Hall. 
Unfortunately  the  minutes  of  the  convention  have  been 
lost,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  records  and  newspapers 
of  the  time  have  disappeared.  So  it  is  extremely  diffi- 
cult to  determine  the  real  attitude  of  the  various  delegates 
regarding  the  slavery  question.2 

Mr.  W.  Kitchell3  informs  us  in  the  "Illinois  Republi- 
can," of  June  30,  1824,  that  there  were  "twenty-one 
members  against  the  introduction  of  slavery  and  twelve  in 
favor  of  it."  This  should  be  interpreted  to  mean,  that 
there  were  twenty-one  delegates  opposed  to  putting  any 
article  in  the  Constitution  of  1818  that  should  legalize 
slavery  in  Illinois,  and  twelve  who  favored  the  introduc- 
tion of  such  an  article. 

There  was  no  distinct  division  into  proslavery  and  anti- 
slavery  parties,  as  these  terms  are  generally  used.  The 

1  George  Churchill's  "Annotations,"  No.  7,  in  the  "Alton  Telegraph,"  May 
12,  1865. 

3  Even  if  a  copy  of  the  Journal  of  this  Convention  were  in  existence,  it  is 
still  questionable  whether  it  would  determine  for  us  the  exact  position  of  the 
parties  on  the  slavery  question.  Mr.  Churchill — a  keen  observer  and  one 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  history  of  this  period— says  that  he  once  pos- 
sessed a  copy  of  this  journal,  but  was  not  able  to  make  out  from  it  the  position 
of  the  parties.  "Annotations"  No.  7,  "Alton  Telegraph,"  May  iq,  1865. 

3  Mr.  Kitchell  was  a  near  relative  of  Joseph  Kitchell,  a  delegate  to  the 
Convention  from  Crawford  County. 


SLAVERY  AND   THE  CONSTITUTION  21 

vote  was  decided  more  by  policy  than  by  principle;  but  it 
is  possible  to  distinguish  three  classes  of  men  in  the  con- 
vention of  1818.  First,  there  were  those  who  desired  an 
out  and  out  proslavery  Constitution;  second,  those  who, 
opposed  to  slavery  in  any  form,  wished  an  entirely  free 
Constitution;  and  third,  a  set  of  "compromisists"  who 
preferred  to  maintain  as  far  as  possible  the  existing  sys- 
tem of  indentures,  while  at  the  same  time  giving  to  the 
State  the  semblance  of  a  free  Constitution.1  These  last 
seem  to  have  been  numerically  the  strongest,  for  they 
succeeded  in  having  their  policy  adopted.  This  they 
accomplished  by  securing  the  adherence  of  the  men 
opposed  to  slavery  solely  on  economic  grounds,2  of  those 
who  feared  that  Congress  would  reject  the  Constitution 
if  it  contained  a  distinct  provision  admitting  slavery, 
and  finally,  of  those  opposed  to  slavery  on  principle, 
who  accepted  the  compromise  in  lieu  of  anything 
better. 

This  state  of  affairs  in  the  convention  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  clearly  understood  at  the  time  by  outsiders. 
The  general  impression  was  that  a  strong  movement — one 
likely  to  succeed — was  being  made  to  secure  a  Constitu- 
tion favorable  to  slavery. 

It  was  to  prevent  this  that  thirteen  of  the  prominent 
men  of  St.  Clair,  Madison,  Monroe,  and  Washington 
counties  issued  an  "Address  to  the  friends  of  Freedom  in 

1  The  leader  of  the  convention  and  champion  of  this  compromise  party  was 
Mr.  E.  K.  Kane,  later  United  States  Senator.    He  has  been  classed  as  a  pro- 
slavery  man,  but  during  the  whole  period  from  the  election  to  this  convention 
till  the  vote  "for"  or  "against"  a  State  convention  in  1824,  he  played  the  part 
of  an  astute  politician  who  wished  to  secure   the  favor  and  support  of  both 
sides.    He  held  slaves,  however,  and  was  possessed  in  the  main  of  proslavery 
sentiments.    Records  of  County  Clerk,  Rand9lph  County,  where  Mr.  Kane's 
slaves  were  registered,  and  newspapers  of  period,  especially  the  "Edwardsville 
Spectator." 

2  George  Churchill's  "Annotations,"  No.  7,  "Alton  Telegraph,"  May  12, 1865. 
Churchill  says  he  refused  to  vote  for  one  of  the  antislavery  candidates  as  a 
delegate  to  this  convention,  because   he  (the    candidate)   said  he    believed 
slavery  would  be  an  advantage  to  the  State. 


22  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

the  State  of  Illinois, " !  in  which  they  declared  that 
"strong  exertions  will  be  made  in  the  convention  to  give 
sanction  to  that  deplorable  evil  in  our  State,"  and  earn- 
estly solicited  "all  true  friends  of  freedom  in  every  section 
of  the  Territory  to  unite  in  opposing  it  both  by  the  elec- 
tion of  a  delegate  to  Congress  who  will  oppose  it  and  by 
forming  meetings  and  preparing  remonstrances  to  Con- 
gress against  it."  2 

The  "compromisists"  were,  however,  completely  suc- 
cessful, as  is  well  shown  by  Article  VI.  of  the  Constitution 
of  1818,  which  embodies  the  work  and  the  attitude  of  the 
convention  on  this  subject.  The  first  section  reads  as 
follows:  "Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  shall 
hereafter  be  introduced  into  this  State  otherwise  than  for 
the  punishment  of  crimes  whereof  the  party  shall  have 
been  duly  convicted.  Nor  shall  any  male  person  arrived 
at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  nor  any  female  person 
arrived  at  the  age  of  eighteen  years,  be  held  to  serve  any 
person  as  a  servant  under  any  indenture  hereafter  made, 
unless  such  person  shall  enter  into  such  indenture  while 
in  a  state  of  perfect  freedom,  and  on  condition  that  a  bona 
fide  consideration  received  or  to  be  received  for  their  ser- 
vice.3 Nor  shall  any  indenture  of  any  negro  or  mulatto 
hereafter  made  and  executed  out  of  this  State,  or  if  made 
in  this  State,  where  the  term  of  service  exceeds  one  year, 
be  of  the  least  validity,  except  those  given  in  case  of 
apprenticeship."  4 

In  the  second  section  it  is  provided  that  slaves  bound 
in  other  States  shall  not  be  hired  for  service  in  Illinois, 
except  (until  the  year  1825)  within  the  district  of  the  salt 

1  "Illinois  Intelligencer,"  August  5,  1818. 

«  Nothing  further  ever  came  of  it  however. 

3  This  might  easily  be  a  promise  of  board  and  clothes  merely. 

«  Constitution  of  1818,  Art.  VI.,  Sec.  i. 


SLAVERY  AND   THE   CONSTITUTION  23 

works  near  Shawneetown.  Such  contracts  were  limited  to 
one  year,  but  were  renewable.  The  third  section  provided 
that  all  contracts  and  indentures  made  before  1818  should 
be  enforced,  and  all  negroes  and  mulattoes  should  serve 
out  the  full  term  of  years  for  which  they  had  been  bound 
under  the  Territorial  laws.  Children  of  indentured  ser- 
vants were  to  become  free,  males  at  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  and  females  at  eighteen.1 

All  this,  with  a  few  modifications,  was  a  confirmation 
of  the  existing  system.  The  poor  negroes  who  were 
already  indentured  did  not  have  their  service  lessened  by 
a  day.  The  limit  of  age  at  which  colored  people  might 
be  indentured  was  reduced  from  thirty-five  years  in  case 
of  males,  and  thirty-two  in  case  of  females,  to  twenty-one 
years  and  eighteen  years  respectively.  This  was  a  slight 
advance. 

The  limiting  of  indentures  to  one  year's  service  and 
making  them  apparently  optional  with  the  negro  was  sup- 
posed to  have  practically  transformed  the^avery  in  Illi- 
nois into  a  pleasant  sort  of  personal  service}  But  it  did 
not  work  out  that  way.  Nor  is  it  likely  that  the  majority 
of  the  framers  of  this  article  thought  that  it  would  do  so. 
/It  was  too  easy  to  force  the  negroes  annually  into  a 
renewal  of  their  indentures  and  the  majority  of  the  slave- 
holders were  too  anxious  to  retain  all  their  property  rights 
and  the  advantages  of  the  preexisting  system  of  inden- 
tures, to  allow  such  loosely  defined  regulations  to  hamper 
them  much  in  the  management  of  their  colored  servants. \ 
In  fact,  they  seem  never  to  have  seriously  entertained  for 
a  moment  any  intention  of  giving  up  the  old  system  of 
indentures,  to  judge  from  the  laws  enacted  the  following 
March  (1819)  "concerning  negroes  and  mulattoes." 

1  Constitution  of  1818,  Art.  VI,  Sec.  2. 


24  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

These  comprised  the  greater  number  of  the  Territorial 
"Black  Laws,"  including  the  right  of  sale  or  transfer  of 
a  contract  or  indenture  from  one  master  to  another.  In 
addition,  negroes  were  forbidden  to  settle  or  reside  in  the 
State  without  a  certificate  of  freedom;  and  it  was  made 
unlawful  to  bring  in  slaves  for  the  purpose  of  emancipat- 
ing them.1 

Still  the  one  year  limit  placed  on  all  the  new  contracts 
for  service  was  an  effectual  check  upon  the  bringing  in  of 
negroes  and  indenturing  them  for  long  periods  of  servi- 
tude. By  April,  1819, 2  this  custom  seems  to  have  been 
largely  given  up.  At  least  there  are  no  records  of  regis- 
trations of  indentures  after  that  date.  This  was  greatly 
aided  by  the  increasing  revulsion  in  public  opinion  against 
the  practice  discountenanced  by  the  new  Constitution. 

There  was  considerable  uncertainty  as  to  whether 
Congress  would  admit  Illinois  under  this  Constitution  of 
1818  or  not.  The  first  legislature  of  the  State  met  early 
in  October,  1818,  and  proceeded  to  the  election  of  United 
States  Senators,  and  of  chief  and  associate  justices  for 
Illinois,  and  to  the  confirming  of  the  appointments  to  the 
Governor's  cabinet.  When  this  little  business  had  been 
transacted  they  adjourned,  requesting  the  Governor  to  call 
them  together  again  when  he  should  have  ascertained  that 
Congress  had  admitted  the  State  into  the  Union.3  It  is 
evident  from  this  unusual  action  that  the  Legislature  was 
very  much  in  doubt  as  to  the  actual  outcome  of  the  Con- 
gressional deliberations  in  the  matter. 

1  Act  respecting  Free  Negroes,  Sec.  3,  Laws  of  Illinois,  1819,  March  30,  2d 
Session. 

*  Randolph  and  Madison  County  Indenture  Registers.  The  last  slave 
registered  in  Madison  County  was  David,  servant  of  G.  Pattisson,  whose  name 
was  inscribed  on  April  16,  1819. 

3  ist  Volume  of  Session  Laws  of  Illinois  Legislature. 

Geo.  Churchill,  "Annotations,"  No.  7,  in  "Alton  Telegraph,"  for  May  12, 
1865. 

"Illinois  Intelligencer,"  October  14  and  21,  1818. 


SLAVERY  AND  THE  CONSTITUTION  25 

The  question  of  slavery  seems  to  have  been  the  vital 
point.  On  November  23,  1818,  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee 1  favoring  the  admission  of  Illinois  was  read  in  the 
House  for  the  third  time.  Mr.  Talmadge  rose  in  oppo- 
sition, "upon  the  ground  that  the  Constitution  was  not 
sufficiently  conclusive  in  the  rejection  of  slavery,"  the 
article  in  that  instrument  respecting  slaves  being  of  itself 
alone,  in  his  opinion,  sufficient  to  render  the  whole  inad- 
missible. Mr.  Poindexter,  of  Mississippi,  took  the  lead 
in  favoring  the  admission.  He  thought  the  measure  rela- 
tive to  slavery  "fraught  with  utility"  and  "an  excellent 
safeguard  to  the  negro."  While  slavery  was  an  evil  in 
his  eyes,  he  nevertheless  did  not  believe  general  emanci- 
pation a  thing  possible  to  obtain ;  and  the  provision  in  the 
Constitution  of  Illinois  relative  to  the  negroes  seemed  to 
be  well  suited  to  the  condition  of  things  in  that  locality. 

Mr.  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  supported  Mr.  Poindexter. 
He  maintained  that  the  "compact,"  as  he  called  it,  of 
1789,  had  no  reference  to  the  slaves  already  held  in  the 
Northwest  Territory.  He  regretted  that  the  people  of 
Illinois  had  not  freed  their  slaves  as  the  citizens  of  Indiana 
had  done;  but  since  her  people  had  the  sovereign  right 
to  do  as  they  chose  with  their  own  negroes,  he  did  not 
think  the  State  should  be  excluded  on  a  mere  technicality. 

The  discussion  was  soon  ended  and  a  vote  taken,  which 
resulted  in  the  passage  of  the  bill  by  117  ballots  for  and 
only  34  against.  The  Senate  approved  the  bill  without 
discussion  on  December  I,  and  Illinois  became  a  State.2 

By  this  ready  acceptance  of  the  Constitution  of  Illinois, 
Congress  showed  its  approval  of  the  theory  advanced  by 

1  Mr.  Anderson,  of  Kentucky,  was  chairman. 
3  "Annals  of  Congress,"  Vol.  III.,  pp.  32  and  312. 
"Debates  in  Congress,"  Vol.  I.,  pp.  204-7. 
"Illinois  Intelligencer,"  December  23, 1818. 


26  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

Governor  St.  Clair  and  General  Harrison,  that  the  Ordi- 
nance of  1789  did  not  apply  to  negroes  already  held  as 
slaves  in  the  Northwest  at  the  time  when  it  was  enacted. 
The  labors  of  the  compromise  party  in  Illinois  were 
thus  crowned  with  success.  The  State  was  admitted,  and 
the  right  to  retain  negroes  as  "indentured  servants"  was 
recognized  and  secured. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE   CONTEST   FOR  A   CONVENTION, 
1820-1824. 

The  question  of  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the 
Union  was  debated  for  the  first  time  in  Congress  during 
the  winter  of  1818  to  1819. l  The  people  of  Illinois  took 
a  lively  interest  in  the  matter.  Many  were  outspoken  in 
opposition  to  the  formation  of  another  slave  State  on  their 
border;  and  the  Illinois  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
Congress  were  severely  censured  because  they  voted 
against  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  Missouri.  In 
August,  1819,  Mr.  Daniel  P.  Cook  was  elected  Repre- 
sentative, largely  because  his  opposition  to  slavery  was 
well  known.2 

This  attitude  of  the  people  of  Illinois  on  the  Missouri 
question,  the  indirect  efforts  of  many  of  her  citizens  to 
prevent  the  admission  of  that  Territory  as  a  slave  State, 
and  the  able  antislavery  speeches  of  Daniel  P.  Cook  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  during  the  following  win- 
ter, drew  upon  the  Illinoisans  the  bitter  animosity  of  the 
slaveholders  of  Missouri. 

So  deeply  did  the  Missourians  feel  that  they  and  their 
cause  had  been  injured  by  the  attitude  of  the  Illinoisans 
that  they  determined  upon  retaliation.  The  remark  was 
commonly  heard  in  Washington  circles  during  the  winter 

1  Missouri  petitioned  the  House  on  March  18,  1818,  and  in  February,  1819, 
the  House  went  into  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  to  discuss  the  question. 

-  Mr.  Cook's  majority  was  633.  Official  records  at  Springfield;  also  the 
"Edwardsville  Spectator,"  September  25,  1819. 

27 


28  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

of  1819-1820  that  "it  would  be  doing  nothing  more  than 
justice  to  Illinois  to  create  a  reaction  by  engaging  their 
side  of  the  river  in  a  contest  at  home,  which  would  pre- 
vent them  from  so  particularly  interesting  themselves  in 
our  concerns."  * 

Those  Missourians  and  other  Southern  leaders  desirous 
of  striking  a  blow  at  the  "Yankees"  of  Illinois,  found 
ready  sympathizers  among  the  holders  of  indentured 
negroes  in  Illinois,  who  were  anxious  to  introduce  into 
their  State  an  unlimited  indenture  system,  or  better,  un- 
restricted slavery.  A  scheme  was  soon  agreed  upon  by 
which  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  secure  a  slave  con- 
stitution for  Illinois  through  the  calling  of  a  general 
convention  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the  existing 
Constitution. 

Because  of  the  numerical  superiority  of  settlers  of 
Southern  birth,  it  was  believed  that  one  needed  only  to 
establish  a  proslavery  newspaper  at  Edwardsville  to  set 
such  a  movement  in  operation.2  It  was  agreed  to  support 
the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Elias  Kane — then  a  nominee  for 
Representative  to  Congress,  and  a  well-known  proslavery 
sympathizer — and  to  establish  General  Joseph  M.  Street 
as  the  editor  of  a  new  paper  at  Edwardsville,  that  should 
advocate  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  Illinois.  The 
"Illinois  Gazette,"  of  Shawneetown,  was  to  be  purchased, 
and  if  possible,  the  support  of  the  other  newspapers  of 
the  State  was  to  be  secured  for  their  cause.  As  soon  as 
the  conditions  were  deemed  favorable  it  was  determined 
that  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  secure  a  vote  in  the 

1  Letter  of  a  St.  Louis  gentleman  who  was  in  Washington  during-  the  winter 
of  1819-20,  to  Ninian  Edwards,  and  published  by  him  in  the   "Edwardsville 
Spectator,"  on  July  25, 1820.    A  letter  of  the  Rev.  J.  M.  Peck  published  in  the 
"Free  West"  on  May  3,  1855,  and  written  as  comment  on  Mr.  Warren's  "Remi- 
niscences," confirms  this  also. 

2  Letter  to  Ninian  Edwards,  dated  at  St.  Louis,  June  27,  1820,  and  printed 
in  the  "Edwardsville  Spectator"  on  July  25. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION.  29 

Legislature  for  the  calling  of  a  convention  to  revise  the 
State  Constitution.1 

Unfortunately  for  the  conspirators,  Mr.  Hooper  War- 
ren,  editor  of  the  "Edwardsville  Spectator,"  and^a 
staunch  opponent  of  slavery,  became  cognizant  of  their 
plans.  He  exposed  the  whole  plot  in  an  editorial  on  July 
II,  1820,  laying  special  emphasis  on  the  significant  fact 
that  a  determined  effort  to  force  a  slave  constitution  upon 
the  people  of  Illinois  would  be  made  within  the  next  two 
or  three  years.  % 

Mr.  Kane  answered  this  editorial  in  a  personal  letter 
to  the  "Illinois  Intelligencer,"  dated  July  13,  1820.  He 
denied  he  had  been  nominated  by  the  "old  slave  party," 
denounced  the  "scheme  to  introduce  slavery"  as  a  com- 
bination that  had  never  been  thought  of,  and  attributed 
the  authorship  of  such  an  idea,  not  to  the  editor  of  the 
"Spectator,"  but  to  "the  juggler  behind  the  scenes."2 
This  stout  denial  of  all  connection  with  the  so-called 
slavery  plot  brought  out  within  the  next  few  weeks 
extended  and  very  convincing  testimony  on  this  point 
from  various  leading  men  in  the  State,  chief  among 
whom  was  Ninian  Edwards — the  "juggler  behind  the 
scenes." 

It  was  well  established  in  this  discussion  that,  although 
Mr.  Kane  might  not  have  been  personally  connected  with 
this  scheme,  he  must  have  known  of  its  existence,  and 
must  have  been  well  aware  that  he  would  have  the  sup- 

1  "Edwardsville  Spectator"  July  u,  1820,  and  the  various  letters  published  in 
the  "Spectator"  and  the  "Illinois  Intelligencer"  during  the  next  three  weeks. 

2  "Illinois  Intelligencer,"  July  18, 1820.  Ninian  Edwards  and  Hooper  Warren 
have  both  testified  that  Mr.  Edwards  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  exposure  of 
the  plot  in  the  "Spectator"  on  July  n.    See  the  "Spectator"  for  July  25  and 
August  i,  1820.     Mr,  Warren,  in  an  editorial  on  Reminiscences  in  the  "Free 
West"  for  May  3,  1855,  says  that  Kane  issued  a  furious  handbill  charging  Gov- 
ernor Edwards  with  having  written  the  article  in  question.    When  Mr.  Edwards 
heard  of  it,  he  said  "Stand  your  ground,  Warren.    1  will  answer  Kane  over  my 
own  name." 


3°  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

port  of  the  proslavery  element  in  his  candidacy  for  the 
office  of  Representative.1 

Through  the  remainder  of  the  short  campaign  of  1820, 
Mr.  Kane  continued  to  receive  the  support  of  the  pro- 
slavery  papers  and  leaders,  and  was  generally  regarded  as 
the  representative  of  the  proslavery  party.2  His  opponent 
was  Mr.  Daniel  P.  Cook,  a  man  of  strong  antislavery 
principles,  who  had,  by  his  superior  abilities  and  capacity 
for  work,  earned  an  enviable  reputation  during  the  previ- 
ous winter  at  Washington.  He  was  sustained  by  the 
antislavery  element  and  re-elected  Representative  on 
August  7,  by  the  large  majority  of  thirteen  hundred  and 
twenty-three.3 

After  this  defeat  the  proslavery  leaders  decided  to 
postpone  the  execution  of  their  plans  for  two  years,  in 
order  to  give  time  for  the  allaying  of  the  popular  excite- 
ment caused  by  the  exposure  of  their  plans,  and  to  afford 
ample  opportunity  for  the  strengthening  of  their  forces 
and  the  maturing  of  their  designs.  Mr.  Warren's  warn- 
ing was  soon  forgotten.  Some  of  his  friends  even  thought 
him  premature  and  visionary ;  but  later  events  have  proved 
the  truth  of  his  prediction.4 

In  1822  a  Governor,  a  Representative  to  Congress, 
and  a  new  State  Legislature  were  to  be  elected.  Although 
there  were  four  candidates  for  the  gubernatorial  chair, 
the  real  contest  lay  between  Edward  Coles,  a  strong 
antislavery  man,  who  had  come  to  the  State  from 
Virginia  three  years  before,  and  Joseph  Phillips,  who 

1  Letters  and  communications  in  the  "Spectator"  on  July  n,  18,  25,  and 
August  i,  8,  and  29,  1820. 

aSee  the  "Illinois  Intelligencer"  and  the  "Spectator"  for  July  and  August. 

3  Official  returns  as  given  in  records  at  Springfield.  The  "Spectator"  gives 
Mr.  Cook's  majority  as  3,036. 

4G.  Lippencott,  in  "Early  Days  in  Madison  County,"  printed  in  the  "Alton 
Telegraph"  for  March  10,  1865. 

Warren's  "Reminiscences,"  in  the  "Free  West,"  May  3,  1855. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION     3£ 

was  Chief  Justice  of  Illinois  and  proslavery  in  his  sym- 
pathies.1 

There  was  no  definite  organization  into  proslavery  and 
antislavery  parties;  yet  that  question  was  made  a  promi- 
nent issue  in  the  campaign.  The  papers  of  the  day, 
especially  the  "Spectator,"  are  full  of  letters  and  com- 
munications referring  to  the  position  of  the  leading  candi- 
dates on  this  subject.  Articles  attacking  Judge  Phillips 
for  his  proslavery  tendencies,  and  accusing  him  of  being 
connected  with  the  party  desiring  the  introduction  of 
slavery  into  Illinois,  were  especially  numerous.2 

After  an  exciting  contest  Mr.  Coles  was  elected  by  a 
small  plurality  of  forty-six  votes.3  At  the  same  time  Mr. 
Daniel  P.  Cook  was  again  elected  Representative  over  a 
proslavery  opponent,  Mr.  John  McLean,4  but  in  the  elec- 
tions for  the  State  Legislature  a  majority  of  the  proslavery 
candidates  secured  seats. 5 

Mr.  Warren  had  warned  the  people  repeatedly  in  the 
"Spectator"  that  a  movement  was  on  foot  to  call  a  con- 
stitutional convention,  and  that  the  only  way  to  preclude 
such  an  event  was  to  see  to  it  that  men  of  professed  anti- 
slavery  sentiments  were  in  the  majority  at  the  next  meeting 
of  the  Legislature.  One  of  the  proslavery  newspapers — 
the  "Illinois  Gazette" — had  even  boldly  announced  that 
"exertions  are  making  in  the  lower  section  of  this  State 
for  the  purpose  of  introducing  slavery  into  Illinois."6 
Little  if  any  heed  was  given  to  these  warnings.  The 

1  The  other  candidates  were  Thomas  C.  Brown,  an  Associate  Judge,  and 
Major  General  James  B.  Moore. 

2  "Illinois  Intelligencer,"  "Star  of  the  West"  (only  few  issues  extant),  and 
the  "Spectator"  from  April  10  to  August  24,  1822. 

3  Official  returns,  as  given  in  "Spectator"  for  December  7. 
*  Official  records  give  Mr.  Cook's  majority  as  874. 

8  See  the  returns  in  the  records  at  Springfield  and  the  vote  of  the  Legisla- 
ture on  the  Convention  question  as  given  in  Appendix  IV. 
6  Issue  of  April  6,  1822. 


32  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

people  seem  to  have  been  indifferent  or  unsuspicious, 
refusing  generally  to  believe  that  any  such  scheme  had 
ever  been  really  seriously  thought  of;  and  no  real  effort 
was  made,  except  in  a  few  communities,  to  secure  the 
election  of  antislavery  men. 

The  legislature  had  not  been  in  session  many  days 
before  it  was  evident  that  the  proslavery  men  had  their 
plans  well  matured.  In  his  inaugural  address,  on  Decem- 
ber 5,  1822,  Mr.  Coles  made  an  urgent  request  for  the 
repeal  of  the  so-called  "Black  Laws"  and  for  legislation 
that  would  prove  effective  in  preventing  the  kidnapping 
of  free  negroes  within  the  State.  Committees  were  ap- 
pointed immediately,  both  in  the  Senate  and  in  the  House, 
to  consider  these  reforms.  The  Senate  committee  admit- 
ted its  inability  to  solve  these  problems,  asserting  that 
there  was  "no  other  source  of  remedying  the  evils  men- 
tioned by  the  Governor  than  by  calling  a  convention  to 
alter  the  Constitution."  In  the  House  a  second  commit- 
tee ultimately  produced  a  series  of  laws  calculated  to  pre- 
vent kidnapping  and  to  remove  the  abuses  of  the  indenture 
system,  only  to  have  them  tabled.  Thus  every  attempt 
to  revise  the  existing  laws  on  the  holding  of  slaves  failed 
completely  in  both  Houses.1 

One  of  the  most  important  questions  in  the  early  days 
of  this  session  was  the  contested  election  of  the  Repre- 
sentative from  Pike  County.  The  rival  candidates  in  the 
August  election  of  that  county  were  Nicholas  Hansen  and 
John  Shaw.  Mr.  Hansen  was  a  young  lawyer  of  moder- 
ate abilities,  but  well  educated  and  honest,  who  had 
opened  a  land  office  in  Edwardsville  in  iSiQ,2  but  later 


1  House  and  Senate  Journals  for  December  1822.    Also  the  reports  of  the 
Governor's  speech  and  action  of   Legislature  in  the  "Spectator"  during  the 
same  month. 

2  Advertised  in  the  first  number  of  the  "Edwardsville  Spectator,"  May  29, 
1819,  and  for  a  little  over  a  year  thereafter. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION  33 

had  been  appointed  Probate  Judge  for  Pike  County.  John 
Shaw  was  a  clever  politician  who  possessed  little  educa- 
tion, but  through  business  ability  and  clever  manipulation 
had  secured  a  controlling  influence  in  the  affairs  of  his 
county.1 

There  were  but  three  polling  places  in  Pike  County, 
the  most  important  of  which  was  located  at  the  county- 
seat,  Colesgrove.  On  the  day  of  the  election  Mr.  Shaw 
averred  there  was  an  illegality  in  the  appointment  of  some 
of  the  judges  of  election,  and  set  up  a  second  polling  place 
in  Colesgrove.  Mr.  James  Whitney,2  the  Clerk  of  the 
County,  rejected  the  returns  from  this  unauthorized  poll- 
ing place,  and  gave  the  certificate  of  election  to  Mr. 
Hansen.  The  legality  of  Mr.  Hansen's  election  was 
further  sustained  by  certificates  of  two  justices  of  the 
peace  and  by  the  written  testimonials  of  Chief  Justice 
Reynolds  and  several  prominent  lawyers.3 

On  December  4 — the  day  following  the  organization  of 
the  House  for  business — the  papers  relating  to  the  con- 
tested election  of  Mr.  Hansen  were  taken  up  and  read  in 
part.  Mr.  Shaw  was  admitted  within  the  bar  of  the 
House,  and  after  having  been  approved  by  the  committee 
on  elections  and  discussed  in  the  "Committee  of  the 
Whole"  throughout  the  good  part  of  one  day,  the  election 

1  For  additional  particulars  see: 

Mr.  Lippencott's  letters  to  the  "Alton  Telegraph,"  beginning  March  3, 1865, 
and  entitled  "Early  Days  in  Madison  County." 

Mr.  Chun..iiH's  "Annotations,"  No.  g,  in  the  "Alton  Telegraph"  for  May  10, 
1865. 

Mr.  Shaw's  "Autobiography"  in  Reports  of  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Soci- 
ety, Vol.  II. 

Mr.  Brown's  "Historical  Sketch  of  the  Early  Movement  in  Illinois  for 
Slavery." 

2  Whom  Mr.  Warren  describes  as  an  "honest,  good  sort  of  man." 

3  For  the  contest  in  Pike  County  see  "Spectator"  editorial  in  issue  of  Feb- 
ruary 15, 1823. 

Hansen's  account,  letter  in  the  "Spectator,"  March  29, 1823. 
Shaw's  account,  letter  in  the  "Spectator,"  December  13. 
Lippencott's  "Early    Days  in  Madison  County,"  in  "Alton  Telegraph" 
March  17, 1865. 

Churchill's  "Annotations,"  in  "Alton  Telegraph,"  May  10,  1865. 


34  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN    ILLINOIS 

of  Mr.  Hansen  was  confirmed,  on  December  9,  by  a  vote 
of  twenty  to  fourteen.1 

The  question  seems  to  have  been  decided  entirely  upon 
its  merits,  irrespective  of  party  considerations.  A  review 
of  the  vote  shows  that  Mr.  Hansen  was  sustained  by  both 
"Conventionists"  and  "Anticonventionists, "  while  men 
of  both  of  these  factions  opposed  his  being  seated.2  And 
as  Mr.  Washburne  suggests,  "The  fact  of  the  unanimity 
of  the  committee  [on  elections]  is  good  evidence  that  it 
was  not  a  party  question."  3 

The  Senate  committee  on  the  reforming  of  the  "Black 
Laws"  had  proposed  in  December  a  resolution  calling  for 
a  constitutional  convention.  This  was  laid  on  the  table 4 
in  order  to  delay  voting  until  there  should  be  present  the 
requisite  two-thirds  majority  in  favor  of  such  a  conven- 
tion. Time,  too,  was  needed  to  organize  and  consolidate 
the  convention  forces  in  both  Houses.  There  were  two 
distinct  groups  of  men  favoring  a  convention,  which  must 
be  united.  One  section  desired  a  constitutional  assembly 
for  the  purpose  of  introducing  slavery,  and  the  other  in 
order  to  make  certain  needed  constitutional  reforms.5 

It  was  generally  understood  that,  as  soon  as  John 
Grammer  of  Union  County  should  arrive,  there  would  be 
a  majority  in  the  Senate  in  favor  of  a  convention.  His 
coming  was  uncertain,  and  not  expected  by  some.  At 

1  House  Journal  of  1822-1823,  page  n;  see  Appendix,  III. 
a  House  Journal,  pages  46,  47. 

3  "Sketch  of  Governor  Coles,"  page  80.    This  has  even  more  force  when  it 
is  remembered  that  all  the  members  of  this  committee  were  proslavery  men 
who,  if  any  party  questions  had  been  involved,  would  not  have  hesitated  in 
approving  Mr.  Shaw's  credentials  rather  than  Mr.  Hansen's.    It  is  affirmed  by 
Mr.  Ford  and  Mr.  Reynolds  in  their  histories  that  Mr.  Hansen  was  given  the 
seat  to  secure  his  vote  for  Jesse  B.  Thomas  as  Senator.    There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  this  was  true.     Both  candidates  were  "convention"  men,  and  Mr. 
Thomas  was  elected  Senator  by  a  substantial  vote.    Senate  Journal,  page  198. 

4  Senate  Journal,  page  28. 

5  Mr.  Coles's  letter  to  Nicholas  Biddle,   April  22,   1823,  in  Washburne's 
"Coles,"  page  147. 

Mr.  E.  J.  West's  letter  to  the  "Spectator"  in  issue  of  July  12,  1823. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION     35 

length,  on  Friday,  February  7,  1823,  he  arrived,  was 
sworn  in,  and  took  his  seat.1  On  Monday,  February  10, 
the  December  Resolution  calling  for  a  constitutional  con- 
vention was  taken  up  from  the  table  and  passed  by  a  vote 
of  twelve  yeas  to  six  nays.2  Mr.  Thomas  Lippencott,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Senate,  reported  the  passage  of  the  reso- 
lution to  the  House  the  same  day.3 

The  conventionist  leaders  in  the  House  were  now  nearly 
ready  for  a  decisive  vote.  They  had  been  industriously 
agitating  the  matter  since  the  first  days  of  the  session. 
Several  test  votes  on  the  subject  had  been  taken  to  ascer- 
tain the  relative  strength  of  the  contending  forces,  notably 
on  January  27,  when  the  resolution  in  favor  of  calling  a 
convention  failed  of  passing  by  only  two  votes.4 

It  was  therefore  imperative  to  gain  two  more  votes, 
and  no  stone  was  left  unturned  to  win  over  some  of  the 
members  of  the  opposition.  All  other  interests  fell  mo- 
mentarily into  the  background  while  the  question  of  a 
convention  occupied  the  thoughts  of  all.  The  excitement, 
increased.  The  proslavery  element  was  determined  to  win 
at  any  cost,  and  adopted  for  its  motto,  "The  Convention 
or  Death."  Promises,  alluring  inducements,  and  even 
threats  were  freely  indulged  in.  Numbers  of  "lobby  mem- 
bers" from  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Missouri,  and  our  own 
State  hung  about  the  corridors  and  anterooms,  stimulating 
popular  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  introduction  of  slavery. 

News  of  the  contest  spread  over  the  State,  and  instruc- 
tions began  to  pour  in  upon  the  members.  At  length  Mr. 
Ratten,  of  Green  County,  announced  that  he  was  author- 
ized by  his  constituents  to  vote  for  the  convention.  Mr. 

1  Senate  Journal,  page  28. 

*  Senate  Journal,  page  30. 

3  House  Journal  of  1823,  page  424, 

*  House  Journal  of  1823,  pages  286,  287. 


36  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

McFatridge,  of  Johnson  County,  was  won  over  by  the 
promise  to  remove  the  county  seat  of  that  county  from 
Vienna  to  Bloomfield.1  Success  now  seemed  assured. 
The  proslavery  men  were  jubilant. 

On  February  1 1 ,  the  convention  resolution  of  the  Sen- 
ate was  taken  up  in  the  House  and  put  to  vote.  The 
result  astonished  every  one.  The  returns  showed  twenty- 
three  for  and  thirteen  against  the  resolution ;  it  had  there- 
fore failed  to  pass  by 'one  vote.  Some  one  had  changed 
sides  at  the  last  moment.  On  reading  the  names  it  was 
seen  at  once  to  have  been  Mr.  Hansen,  of  Pike  County.2 

The  rage  and  indignation  of  the  conventionists  knew 
no  bounds.  Hansen  was  assailed  from  all  sides.  His 
action  was  not  understood  at  the  time,  and  all  sorts  of 
rumors  were  soon  afloat  about  him.  It  was  said  that  the 
Governor  had  bought  him  over  by  the  promise  of  an  ap- 
pointment to  the  office  of  Recorder  of  Fulton  County; 
but  there  is  no  foundation  for  such  a  statement.8 

Mr.  Hansen's  own  account  of  the  affair  is  honest  and 
straightforward  enough  to  be  readily  accepted  as  true. 
He  assures  us  that  he  was  always  opposed  to  a  conven- 
tion, but  voted  with  that  party  in  order  to  gain  time  to 
carry  through  certain  measures  of  importance  to  his 
county,  feeling  certain  that  there  was  no  danger  of  a 
convention  resolution  passing  before  the  arrival  in  the 
Senate  of  John  Grammer,  of  Union.  He  was  led  to  such 
a  policy  by  "having  received  repeated  intimidations,  and 
in  two  instances  positive  declarations,  that  the  vote  of  my 
contested  election  would  be  reconsidered  if  I  opposed  a 

1  This  promise  was  never  kept. 

2  House  Journal,  pages  435,  436. 

3  Letter  of  the  Special  Correspondent  of  the  "Spectator"  at  Vandalia  in 
the  "Edwardsville  Spectator"  for  February  15,  1823.    Fulton  County  had  just 
been  organized  out  of  a  section  of  Pike.    See  the  House  Journal,  pages  215,  219, 
228,  and  232. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION     37 

convention;  and  the  disposition  of  the  majority  to  succeed 
at  any  rate  left  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  such  a  measure 
was  very  probable,  if  not  certain."  ' 

He  was  not  free  from  the  natural  desire  to  retain  office 
when  once  in  his  seat ;  but  he  is  to  be  commended  that  he 
did  not  allow  personal  ambition  and  the  petty  interests  of 
Pike  County  in  the  end  to  triumph  over  his  political  prin- 
ciples and  the  welfare  of  the  State. 

The  failure  to  obtain  the  necessary  two-thirds  majority 
in  the  House,  caused  by  Mr.  Hansen's  change  of  front, 
would  result  in  a  complete  defeat  of  the  measure  unless  a 
reconsideration  of  the  vote  could  be  effected.  As  soon  as 
the  result  of  the  ballot  was  known,  Mr.  Daimwood  (a 
conventionist)  therefore  moved  to  reconsider,  but  he  was 
ruled  out  of  order  by  the  Speaker,  whose  decision  was 
sustained  by  a  vote  of  the  House.  The  House  then 
adjourned  for  the  day  amid  considerable  confusion  and 
excitement.2 

That  night — the  nth  of  February — there  was  a  public 
indignation  meeting  held  in  the  State  House,  where 
speeches  were  made  by  lobby  members  and  a  popular 
movement  inaugurated  to  intimidate  the  minority  party. 
When  the  meeting  was  over,  a  crowd  of  men  and  boys 
burnt  Hansen  in  effigy,  and  marched  about  the  streets  of 
Vandalia  beating  drums,  blowing  horns,  and  shouting, 
"The  Convention  or  Death."  They  paraded  before  the 
residences  of  Mr.  Churchill  and  other  members  of  the 
minority,  where  "three  groans  for  Churchill,"  Hansen, 
and  others,  and  "three  cheers  for  the  Convention"  were 

1  Mr.  Hansen's  "Address  to  the  Public,"  dated  March  20,  and  published  in 
the  "Spectator"  March  2g.    This  attempt  to  intimidate  Mr.  Hansen  is  corrobo- 
rated by  Thomas  Lippencott  (the  Secretary  of  the  Senate)  and  Mr.  George 
Churchill  (a  member  of  the  House  at  the  time)  in  their  Reminiscences  in  the 
"Alton  Telegraph, "  March  17  and  June  2,  1865. 

2  House  Journal,  pages  43-46. 


38  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

given.1  It  was  thought  that  such  a  demonstration  would 
serve  to  frighten  some  of  the  opposition  into  a  recession 
from  their  position. 

The  same  night  it  was  argued  among  the  convention 
leaders  that  Mr.  Hansen  must  be  turned  out  and  Mr. 
Shaw  seated  in  his  place.  Some  of  the  members  of  the 
House  even  signed  an  agreement  with  this  object  in  view.2 

The  following  morning,  contrary  to  customary  parlia- 
mentary rules,3  it  was  voted  to  reconsider  the  question  of 
the  election  of  Mr.  Hansen.  The  documents  relative  to 
that  subject  were  produced  and  reread;  but  the  only  new 
evidence  submitted  was  the  affidavit  of  Levi  Roberts,4 
dated  January  28,  1823,  testifying  that  in  his  opinion  Mr. 
Shaw  had  been  elected  Representative  of  Pike  County  by 
a  majority  of  twenty-nine  votes.  In  the  debate  which 
followed  neither  Mr.  Field  nor  any  of  the  other  members 
of  the  majority  advanced  convincing  or  satisfactory  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  Mr.  Shaw's  right  to  the  seat. 

1  "Spectator,"  February  15, 1823,  letter  from  Vandalia  correspondent. 
"Spectator,"  March  8,  1823,  letter  from  "a  member." 
"Spectator,"  April  19,  1823,  letter  from  "a  lobby  member." 
"Spectator,"  September  27,  1823,  letter  signed  by  the  "Stenographer  of  the 
Caucus." 

Mr.  Churchill's  "Annotations,"  No.  13,  14,  15,  in  the  "Alton  Telegraph"  of 
June  3oth,  July  and  August  n,  1865. 

Mr.  Lippencott's  "Early  Days  in  Madison  County,"  "Alton  Telegraph," 
April  7, 1865. 

According  to  Mr.  Churchill  a  local  poet  wrote  up  this  affair  as  follows  (in 
part): 

"And  those  we'd  reason  to  suspect, 
Subscribed  a  bond  to  that  effect.* 

*To  remove  Mr.  Hansen  and  seat  Mr.  Shaw  in  his  place. 
With  this  the  meeting  then  broke  up 
And  sallied  forth  to  take  a  cup 
Of  good  hot  new  Convention  Whiskey, 
In  order  to  feel  fine  and  frisky." 

Then  after  describing  the  burning  of  Hansen  in  effigy  and  the  torchlight 
procession,  he  closes  the  scene  with 

"Till  tired  at  last  we  skulked  to  bed 
And  rested  many  an  aching  head." 

1 A  writer  who  signs  himself  "A  Republican"  in  an  article  printed  in  the 
"Spectator,"  February  3,  1824,  says  that  eighteen  members  signed  this  bond. 

3  Rule  No.  20  of  Jefferson's  Manual  (then  the  standard  authority  for  all 
Legislative  bodies)  reads: — "Nor  shall  any  motion  for  reconsideration  be  in 
order  unless  made  on  the  same  day  on  which  the  vote  was  taken  or  within  the 
next  two  days  of  the  actual  session  of  the  Senate  thereafter." 

*  A  personal  friend  of  Mr.  Shaw  and  a  resident  of  Pike  County. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION  39 

On  the  other  hand,  the  defense  of  Mr.  Hansen  was 
most  ably  conducted  by  Mr.  Churchill  and  Mr.  Mather. 
They  argued,  with  reason,  that  the  decision  of  the  House, 
based  on  a  satisfactory  report  of  its  committee  on  elec- 
tions, ought  not  to  be  reversed  merely  on  the  presentation 
of  such  slight  and  insufficient  new  evidence;  and  they 
emphasized  the  injustice  of  removing  Mr.  Hansen  at  that 
late  date  without  allowing  him  an  opportunity  of  procur- 
ing new  testimony.  All  in  vain.  The  Conventionists 
were  determined  to  force  the  issue  at  any  cost,  and  a 
resolution  giving  the  contested  seat  to  Mr.  Shaw  was 
hurried  through  by  a  vote  of  twenty-one  to  fourteen.1 

Certain,  at  length,  of  a  controlling  vote,  the  majority 
hastened  to  complete  their  work.  The  ruling  of  the 
Speaker  that  Mr.  Daimwood  was  out  of  order,  in  moving, 
on  the  previous  day,  a  reconsideration  of  the  convention 
resolution,  was  reversed,  and  the  original  motion  favor-* 
ing  a  convention  was  taken  up  and  passed  by  a  ballot 
of  twenty-four  to  twelve  with  the  aid  of  John  Shaw's 
vote.2 

The  convention  forces  were  jubilant,  and  that  night 
their  victory  was  celebrated  by  another  noisy  street  parade.. 
But  "murder  will  out,"  and  within  three  days  the  whole 
proceedings  of  the  sessions  of  February  u  and  12  were 
made  public  by  the  "Illinois  Intelligencer."  It  was 
asserted  in  addition,  that  the  real  object  of  the  Conven- 
tionists was  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the  State.3 

1  House  Journal,  pages  440-445. 

4  House  Journal,  page  446. 

3  Editorial,  written  by  the  Junior  Editor,  Mr.  W.  H.  Brown,  in  the  "Intelli- 
gencer" for  February  15,  1823.  For  this  Mr.  Brown  was  forced  to  sell  out  his 
interest  in  the  paper  to  Mr.  Berry,  a  Conventionist  member  of  the  House,  who 
was  associated  with  him  as  Editor. 

See  also  article  sigried  "A.  B/'  in  the  "Intelligencer,"  February  15. 

Editorial  in  the  "Spectator,"  February  22. 

After  Mr.  Brown's  editorial  appeared  the  feeling  in  Vandalia  was  so  strong 
against  the  paper  that  a  mob  collected  in  front  of  the  office  and  threatened  to 
destroy  the  press. 


40  NEGRO-  SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

This  the  friends  of  the  convention  tried  in  vain  to 
deny.  The  story  of  the  contest  in  the  Legislative  halls 
— often  exaggerated  and  grossly  overdrawn  in  details 
— spread  rapidly  over  the  State,  and  everywhere  the 
outrage  of  unseating  Mr.  Hansen  worked  to  their  disad- 
vantage. 

No  time  was  lost  in  opening  the  campaign.  The 
Legislature,1  having  accomplished  nothing  of  lasting  im- 
portance to  the  State,  adjourned  on  February  18,  but  on 
the  1 5th  the  leading  Conventionists  had  held  a  public 
meeting  in  Vandalia  and  drawn  up  "An  Appeal  to  the 
citizens  of  Illinois." 

The  policy  of  the  Conventionists  at  first  seems  to  have 
v/  been  to  separate  the  question  of  slavery  from  that  of  the 
convention.  In  their  "Appeal"  2  no  mention  was  made 
of  slavery,  but  the  calling  of  a  convention  was  urged  on 
the  ground  that  several  imperative  reforms  in  the  State 
Constitution  demanded  it.  The  connection  of  the  two 
issues  was  denied  in  the  "Illinois  Intelligencer."  3  Some 
of  the  leading  Conventionists  announced  with  naive  frank- 
ness that  the  two  questions  were  quite  distinct,4  but  for 
the  most  part  no  mention  was  made  of  slavery  at  first  in 
the  public  speeches  or  published  articles  of  the  friends  of 
the  convention. 

The  opponents  of  a  constitutional  convention  hastened 

1  In  the  "Spectator"  for  March  i,  1823,  there  appeared  the  following 
"Epitaph'1''  : 

"Beneath  this  cold  and  earthly  pall, 

Sleeps  soft  a  Legislature, 
Whom  all  the  world,  I  think  will  call 

A  black,  infernal  creature. 
His  beauty  bloomed!  Oh  what  a  pink! 

His  death,  Oh  what  a  chasm ! 
But  sure  the  world  will  laugh  to  think 

The  D safely  has  'im." 

•Published  in  the  "Spectator,"  March  i,  1823. 

3  Mr.  Berry's  editorials  in  the  March  issues. 

*For  instance,  Mr.  E.  J.  West  in  letter  to  "Spectator"  published  July  12. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A   CONVENTION  41 

to  answer  the  "Appeal"  of  the  Conventionists  in  another 
"Appeal  to  the  People  of  Illinois,"  dated  February  18, 
and  signed  by  fifteen  members  of  the  minority  party  in 
the  Legislature  just  adjourned.  They  denounced  the 
recent  action  of  the  Senate  and  House  in  favor  of  a  con- 
vention as  a  movement  for  the  introduction  of  slavery  into 
Illinois,  and  urged  the  people  in  eloquent  and  imperative 
terms  to  give  the  subject  their  most  earnest  consideration, 
and  to  rise  in  the  defense  of  freedom.1 

The  struggle  was  now  on.  Both  parties  organized 
their  forces  early.  The  Conventionists  placed  the  general 
direction  of  their  campaign  in  the  hands  of  a  central 
committee  of  ten,  resident  at  Vandalia,  and  appointed 
sub-committees  in  every  county  and  township.  There 
were  on  an  average  fifteen  men  at  work  in  each 
county  as  "recruiting  sergeants";  but  at  times  there 
were  nearly  double  that  number  actively  engaged  for 
a  month  or  six  weeks  previous  to  some  great  convention 
rally.2 

The  Anticonventionists  held  a  secret  meeting  on  Febru- 
ary 1 8  at  a  house  where  several  of  them  boarded, "and 
contented  themselves  for  the  present  with  simply  appoint- 
ing a  committee  to  raise  funds,  requesting  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Lippencott  to  make  sure  that  the  "Edwards- 
ville  Spectator"  would  support  their  cause,  and  con- 

1  "Spectator"  March  i,  1823.  The  names  of  the  signers  were:  Ridson 
Moore,  William  Kinkade,  G.  Cadwell,  A.  Bankson,  Zach.  Ogle,  Curtiss  Blake- 
man,  Abram  Cairnes,  Thos.  Mather,  Wm.  Lowry,  James  Sims,  Daniel  Parker, 
Geo.  Churchill,  Gilbert  T.  Pell.  D.  McGahey,  and  S.  Stillman.  There  were 
three  others  who  voted  against  this  convention  resolution,  namely,  Emmitt, 
Frazier,  and  Pugh,  who  did  not  sign  this  appeal.  Very  likely,  as  Mr.  Wash- 
burne  suggests,  they  had  gone  home,  or  could  not  be  found  in  time  to  secure 
their  signatures. 

a  "Spectator,"  August  16,  1823,  and  April  13, 1824. 

Governor  Coles's  letters  to  Robert  Vaux  and  Morris  Birkbeck,  dated 
December  n,  1823,  and  January  29,  1824,  published  in  Washburne's  "Coles," 
pages  162  and  182. 

In  Madison  County  the  Conventionists  had  twenty  five  men  at  work 
between  June  28  and  August  9,  the  latter  being  the  date  of  one  of  their  special 
meetings. 


42  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

tributing  money  for  the  immediate  publication  of   their 
appeal.1 

At  first  the  weight  of  influence  and  power  seemed  to 
:  /be  on  the  side  of  the  Conventionists.  A  majority  of  the 
\leading  politicians,  such  as  ex-Governor  Bond,  Judge 
Phillips,  Elias  Kane,  T.  W.  Smith,  and  Benjamin  West, 
were  enlisted  in  their  cause.2  The  press  of  the  South,  as 
well  as  the  papers  of  St.  Louis,  which  had  a  considerable 
circulation  in  Illinois  at  the  time,  supported  them.  They 
controlled  four  out  of  the  five  newspapers  of  the  State,3 
while  in  the  extreme  south  of  Illinois  there  existed  already 
a  strong  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  introduction  of  slavery. 
The  Anticonventionists  did  not  lack  able  leaders.  In 
their  ranks  we  find  Governor  Coles,  displaying  more  than 
usual  activity  and  energy;  Samuel  D.  Lockwood,  judge 
of  the  Probate  Court;  Thomas  Mather  and  George 
Churchill,  leaders  of  the  minority  in  the  recent  Legisla- 
ture; J.  M.  Peck,  the  preacher  and  agent  of  the  American 
Bible  Society;  Thomas  Lippencott,  secretary  of  the  Illi- 
nois Senate ;  and  Hooper  Warren,  the  talented  editor  of 

1  For  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting,  see    "Alton  Courier,"    July  15, 
1858;  and, 

a.  Copy  of  the  list  of  subscriptions,  etc.,  in  writing  and  signed  on  back  by 
Captain  Curtiss  Blakeman,  dated  February  15,  1823,  in  Appendix  111.  C. 

b.  "Spectator,"  June  28, 1823.    Letter  describing  same  by  Thomas  Lippen- 
cott to  "Illinois  Intelligencer"  for  June  12. 

c.  Lippencott  "Early  Days  in  Madison  County,"  No.  37  in  "Alton  Tele- 
graph" for  April  7,  1865. 

2  For  a  more  complete  list  see  the  "Intelligencer"  and  "Spectator"  for 
1823-1824,  especially  the  issue  of  March  i,  1823. 

Reynolds,  "History  of  Illinois,"  page  154. 

3  Mr.  Coles's  Letter  to  Nicholas  Riddle,  April  22,  1823  (Washburne,  p.  147). 
The  "Il!in9is  Intelligencer,"  owned  by  Wm.  Berry,  a  member  of  the  "Con- 
vention majority"  in  the  House,  was  their  leading  organ. 

The  "Shawneetown  Gazette,"  edited  by  Henry  Eddy,  favored  their  cause, 
but  was  sufficiently  broad  minded  to  publish  the  famous  "Jonathan  Freeman 
Letters"  of  Morris  Birkbeck. 

The  "Star  of  the  West"  was  started  at  Edwardsville  on  September  14, 
1822,  but  failed  before  the  end  of  the  contest. 

The  "Illinois  Republican"  (which  replaced  the  "Star  of  the  West"  at 
Edwardsville  under  the  editorship  of  T.  W.  Smith)  and  the  "Republican  Advo- 
cate" were  less  pronounced  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 

They  made  an  effort  to  win  over  the  fifth,  the  "Edwardsville  Spectator" 
also,  but  in  vain.  ("Spectator,"  May  10,  1823.) 


.  THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION     43 

the  "Edwardsville  Spectator."  With  one  exception,1 
these  opponents  of  the  convention  worked  together  in 
complete  harmony.  They  displayed  everywhere  the 
greatest  activity.  Societies2  with  secretaries  of  corre- 
spondence, and  financial  committees  were  organized  in 
many  counties.  "No  Convention  and  Freedom"  was 
taken  as  a  motto;  and  every  energy  was  devoted  to  the 
task  of  agitation.  /It  is  a  notable  fact,  moreover,  that  a 
I  large  number  of  ministers  took  part  in  the  contest,  and 
I  always  on  the  side  of  the  Anticonventionists.3 

The  chief  strength  of  the  opponents  of  the  convention 
lay  in  the  number  of  gifted  writers  and  thinkers  who 
enlisted  in  their  cause.  Many  of  the  articles  written  by 
them  were  so  exceedingly  well  conceived  and  so  cleverly 
put  that  the  Conventionist  writers  were  never  able  to  con- 
trovert them.  In  reading  over  the  fragments  of  this  con- 

1  Governor  Coles  and  Hooper  Warren  had  a  disagreement  over  the  policy 
to  be  pursued  by  the  antislavery  element  on  the  opening  of  Governor  Coles's 
administration.  The  Governor  thought  he  ought  to  inaugurate  a  campaign 
against  slavery  in  his  inaugural  address  by  advocating  the  repeal  of  the  "Black 
Laws,"  while  Warren  said  that  such  an  action  was  inexpedient  and  would  pre- 
cipitate the  convention  question.  Warren  criticised  Governor  Coles's  action 
in  this  regard  rather  severely  through  his  paper,  which  act  displeased  Mr. 
Coles,  anal  he  refrained  from  contributing  much  to  Mr.  Warren's  paper  during 
the  contest  over  the  vote  for  a  convention. 

Lippencott's  "Early  Days  in  Madison  County,"  Nos.  37  and  39,  in  "Alton 
Telegraph,"  April  7  and  21,  1865. 

Churchill  -"Annotations" — March  10,  1865,  in  "Alton' Telegraph,"  quotes 
Governor  Coles's  letters  to  him  on  subject. 

•Societies  were  founded: 

Madison  County,  July  4,  "Spectator,"  July  12,  1823. 

Monroe  County,  May  31,  "Spectator,"  May  31,  1823. 

Sangamon  County,  July  4,  "Spectator,"  May  31,  1823. 

Edgar  County,  July  4,  "Spectator,"  August  9,  1823. 

Pike  Count/,  July  4,  "Spectator,"  August  9, 1823. 

Greene  County,  July  4,  "Spectator,"  August  9,  1823. 

Morgan  County,  July  4,  "Spectator,"  August  30,  1823. 

Lawrence  County,  August  n,  "Spectator,"  September  6,  1823. 

Piason  Township,  Greene  County,  "Spectator,"  September  20,  1823. 

White  County,  December  27,  "Spectator,"  March  16,  1824. 

St.  Clair  County,  March  22,  "Spectator,"  April  12,  1823. 

Bond  County,  "Spectator,"  March  21,  1823. 

See  also  J.  M.  Peck's  letter,  No.  3,  in  the  "Free  West,"  May  3,  1855. 

3  Rev.  Mr.  Peck  assures  us  that  there  were  thirty  present  at  the  formation 
of  the  St.  Clair  Anticonvention  Society.  The  Rev.  Thomas  Lippencott  was 
prominent  in  the  Madison  County  Society,  and  a  number  of  other  clergymen 
contributed  articles  to  the  "Spectator." 


44  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

test  which  still  remain,  one  is  struck  with  the  superior 
excellence  of  these  antislavery  papers.1  The  arguments 
of  their  opponents  in  comparison  seem  singularly  lacking 
in  force,  in  logic,  and  in  originality.  No  Conventionist 
ever  produced  anything  equal  to  Morris  Birkbeck's 2  "Let- 
ters of  Jonathan  Freeman, '  '3  which  caught  the  public  mind  as 
perhaps  few  political  treatises  have  ever  done  in  this  State. 
The  extended  interval  which  must  elapse  between  the 
adjournment  of  the  Legislature  in  February,  1823,  and 
the  next  general  election  in  August,  1824,  was  another 
item  in  favor  of  the  Anticonventionists.  It  gave  time  to 
arouse  public  sentiment  in  their  favor  and  permitted  them 
to  profit  by  the  rapidly  increasing  immigration  into  the 
State  from  the  East  and  North.  In  the  year  1823  three 
new  counties — Morgan,  Marion,  and  Edgar — were  organ- 
ized, each  one  of  which  was  settled  largely  by  antislavery 
men.*  This  was  a  promising  sign  for  the  opponents  of 
the  convention,  since  nearly  every  person  opposed  to 
slavery  was  also  an  opponent  of  the  convention  or  became 
such  by  the  time  the  election  arrived. 

1  See  numerous  articles  in  the  "Spectator,"  1823-24,  signed  by  "Laocoon," 
"A  Looker  On,"  "A  Friend  to  Liberty,"  "A  Republican,"  "Aristides,"  "Benev- 
olus,"  "Freedom,"  "Josiah  Wright,"  "A  Citizen  of  St.  Clair  County,"  "A  Sixty- 
sixter,"   "A  Friend  to  Illinois,     and  "One  in  Many"  (Governor  Coles),  etc. 
After  Coles  purchased  the  "Illinois  Intelligencer,"  he  says  "there  were  very 
few  numbers  of  that  paper  which  did  not  contain  something  from  my  pen." 
This  was  during  a  period  of  three  months  just  before  the  election,  namely,  from 
May  nth  to  August  2d.    This  work  included  a  series  of  articles,  which  were 
intended  to  summarize  the  speeches  and  writings  of  the  most  celebrated  men 
of  Europe  and  America  on  the  question  of  slavery,  and  which  were  published 
under  the  title  of  "  The  Voice  of  Virtue,  Wisdom,  and  Experience  on  the  Sub- 
ject of  Negro  Slavery."    Besides  this,  he  did  a  great  work  in  procuring  and 
publishing,  at  his  own  expense,  numerous  pamphlets,  or  popular  works  in 
pamphlet  form,  on  slavery  that  could  be  obtained  through  an  extensive  corre- 
spondence, largely  in  the  East.    Among  others,  his  friend  Robert  Vaux,  of 
Philadelphia,  contributed  several  articles.    Then  he  assisted  his  party  with 
advice  and  support,  especially  the  "Anticonvention  Society"  at  Edwardsville. 

See  Coles's  letter  to  Lippencott,  published  in  "Alton  Telegraph,"  April 

21,  1865. 

2  An  Englishman  and  farmer  of  Edwards  County,  one  of  the  pioneer  set- 
tlers of  the  State. 

3  Published  in  the  "Shawneetown  Gazette.' 

*  All  three  gave  Anticonvention  majorities  in  1824. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION     45 

Meanwhile  the  work  of  agitation  was  being  vigorously 
pushed  by  both  parties.  Speeches  were  made  in  all  the 
county  seats  and  leading  towns.  At  every  public  dinner 
toasts  were  given  on  one  side  of  the  question  or  on  the 
other.  Thousands  of  pamphlets  were  printed  and  dis- 
tributed broadcast,1  while  through  the  press  the  contest 
was  carried  on  with  nearly  equal  vigor  on  both  sides. 
The  Conventionists  were  no  longer  able  to  ignore  the 
connection  of  slavery  with  the  movement  for  a  con- 
vention; and  in  June,  1823,  they  boldlv  admitted  the 
fact.2 

As  the  time  for  the  election  approached,  the  excite- 
ment increased.  All  sorts  of  accusations  were  hurled 
against  the  leaders  of  both  parties.  The  feeling  became 
bitter  and  intense  between  the  contending  forces.  Per- 
sonal encounters  were  not  infrequent.  Liquor  flowed 
freely,  especially  in  the  so-called  "Convention  groceries," 
where  the  leading  political  questions  were  discussed  day 
and  night,  and  where  every  one  who  entered  was  forced 

give  "three  cheers  for  the  Convention,"  whether  he 
knew  what  this  meant  or  not.  The  spirit  manifested 
throughout  the  contest  by  the  Conventionists  was  vindic- 
tive and  abusive,  while  the  discussions  of  the  antislavery 
men  were  dignified  and  convincing  in  tone.3 

1  Large  numbers  were  sent  in  packages  and  boxes  to  various  central  points 
for  distribution.     Governor  Coles  is  accredited  with  having  furnished  most  of 
the  money  used  for  this  purpose.    See  "Free  West,"  May  3,  1855. 

2  The  edit  /r  of  the  "Shawneetown  Gazette"  declared  on  June  14,  1823,  that 
the  people  of  the  region  of  the  salt  mines  are  all  determined  to  have  slavery  in 
some  form,  and  intend  to  use  the  convention  to  that  end. 

3  A  comparison  of  the  toasts  given  at  the  public  dinners  of  the  two  con- 
tending parties  shows  this  most  clearly.    Among  those  given  by  Convention- 
ists we  find  these:    "The  Convention — The  means  of  introducing  and  spread- 
ing the  African  family."    (Three  cheers.)    "The  Enemies  of  the  Convention — 
May  they  ride  a  porcupine  saddle  on  a  hard  trotting  horse  a  long  way  without 
money  or  friends."    "May  those  individuals  who  are  opposed  to  our  cause,  be- 
fore the  next  election  abandon  the  State  of  Illinois;  and  then  we  will  have  a  free 
silver  circulation,  combined  with  a  numerous  black  population."    "The  State 
of  Illinois — The  ground  is  good,   prairies  in  abundance.    Give  us  plenty  of 
negroes,  a  little  industry,  and  she  will  distribute  her  treasures."    "Slavery — A 


46  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

The  press  of  Ohio  and  of  the  East  endeavored  to 
support  the  Anticonventionists.  But  these  efforts  were 
neutralized  by  the  irritation  caused  among  many  well- 
meaning  citizens,  by  their  continued  haranguing  on  the 
rights  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  what  it  would  do 
in  case  Illinois  adopted  a  slave  constitution.1 

At  length  two  events  occurred  which  turned  the  scale 
/in  favor  of  the  antislavery  party.  On  December  9,  i823,2 
'  the  State  House  at  Vandalia  was  set  on  fire  by  a  mob 
i  which  paraded  the  streets  shouting  "the  State  House  or 
Death, ' '  and  burned  Governor  Coles  in  effigy  amid  mournful 
groans.  These  proceedings  were  laid  at  the  door  of  the  con- 
vention party,  and  it  never  successfully  denied  the  charge.3 

In  the  spring  of  1824  the  "Illinois  Intelligencer,"  the 
chief  organ  of  the  Conventionists,  became  financially  em- 
barrassed. The  leaders  of  that  party  failed  to  come  to 
the  assistance  of  the  editor,  either  because  they  did  not 
realize  the  seriousness  of  the  situation  or  because  their 
own  finances  were  running  low.  In  May,  Mr.  Berry  was 

political  hobby-horse  which  some  of  our  great  men  have  loved  to  saddle.  (Six 
cheers.  Go  to  the  D and  shake  yourself.)"* 

And  among  the  anticonvention  toasts  there  were  the  following:  "The 
Crisis — It  is  big  with  the  fate  of  Illinois,  and  requires  every  friend  of  freedom 
to  rally  under  the  banners  of  the  Constitution,  t  "The  Freedom  of  the  Late 
Northwest — May  it  be  like  the  little  stone  that  was  cut  out  without  hands,  and 
became  a  great  mountain  and  filled  the  earth."  (Nine  cheers.)  "The  Con- 
vention or  no  Convention — The  world  listens  to  hear  the  decision  of  our  moral 
and  political  character  pronounced  by  ourselves."  (Six  cheers. )J  "We  have 
confidence  in  the  people  of  Illinois  to  support  a  free  constitution  and  prohibit 
slavery;  if  we  should  be  disappointed  in  the  people,  we  still  have  confidence  in 
the  general  government."  (Six  cheers  )§ 

*  "Spectator"  for  July  n  and  23.  1823. 

t  Given  by  Governor  Coles  at  dinner  given  in  Edwardsville  in  his  honor  on 
5th  of  March,  1823.  "Spectator,"  March  8,  1823. 

J  Given  at  dinner  of  Sangamon  County  Anticonventionists,  held  in  honor  of 
Coles  and  Cook  on  July  4,  1823.  "Spectator,"  July  8,  1823. 

§  "Spectator,"  July  23,  1823. 

1  See  Coles's  letter  to  Nicholas  Biddle,  dated  September  18, 1823,  and  given 
in  Washburne,  page  159.  And  "Trenton  True  American,"  "Philadelphia 
National  Gazette,"  "Chilicothe  (Ohio)  Gazette,"  "Circleville  (Ohio)  Ohio 
Branch,"  "Cincinnati  National  Republic,"  and  the  "Spectator,"  May  3,  1823, 
May  10,  1823,  June  14,  1823,  and  June  21, 1823. 

8  "Spectator,"  December  13,  1823. 

3  The  purpose  of  the  burning  is  not  known,  unless  it  was  to  destroy  the 
records  of  the  previous  Session  of  the  Legislature,  which  showed  up  clearly  the 
corruption  practised  by  the  Conventionists. 


THE   CONTEST   FOR  A   CONVENTION  47 

forced  to  close  his  doors.  The  news  reached  Mr.  Coles, 
who  hastened  to  purchase  the  paper  and  to  place  it  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Samuel  D.  Lockwood  as  editor.1 

The  antislavery  partisans  were  jubilant,  while  the  Con- 
ventionists  were  astonished  and  chagrined.  Three  months 
yet  remained  before  the  election,  and  the  "Intelligencer" 
was  used  by  the  Anticonventionists  throughout  all  that 
time  to  great  advantage.  Governor  Coles  ordered  the 
paper  to  be  sent  regularly  to  all  the  old  subscribers,  no 
matter  if  they  ordered  it  to  be  discontinued  or  refused 
to  pay  for  it.  In  this  way  large  numbers  of  citizens  were 
reached  whom  the  antislavery  party  could  not  hope  to 
touch  through  any  other  channel. 

The  August  election  day  drew  near.  Signs  of  the 
weakening  of  the  convention  boom  were  seen  in  the  fail- 
ure of  the  "convention  groceries"  here  and  there.2  The 
Anticonventionists  took  great  care  to  warn  the  people 
against  spurious  ballots,  and  Mr.  Warren  printed  the  act 
of  the  Legislature  containing  the  regulations  for  voting 
"for"  or  "against"  a  convention  in  the  "Spectator."3 
Nevertheless,  the  Conventionists  printed  cleverly  arranged 
ballots,  which  in  the  hands  of  ignorant  or  careless  people 
might  easily  be  cast  for  the  convention,  when  the  holders 
really  intended  to  vote  against  it.4 

1  "Illinois  Intelligencer,"  May  n,  1823 — Berry  and  David  Blackwell  were 
then  owners  of  the  "Intelligencer."  In  order  not  to  arouse  the  suspicions  of 
the  Conventionists,  Coles  loaned  Blackwell  the  money  to  buy  out  Berry  and 
pay  up  debts  of  the  paper,  on  condition  that  the  paper  be  put  into  Coles's 
hands  for  editorship,  until  the  pending  political  contest  should  be  decided. 
See  also  Coles's  letter  to  Thomas  Lippencott,  printed  in  Lippencott  s  "Early 
Days  in  Madison  County,"  No.  40,  "Alton  Telegraph,"  May  5,  1865.  Peck,  in 
the  "Free  West,"  May  3,  1855. 

1  "Spectator,"  July  6, 1824,  and  following  numbers. 

3  "Spectator,"  July  13. 

*One  of  these  ballots  has  been  preserved.    It  reads: 

"People's  Ballot. 
"For  a  new  Constitution. 
"For  the  article  prohibiting  banks. 
"For  the  exclusion  of  negroes  and  mulattoes. 
"No  right  of  suffrage  or  office  for  negroes  and  mulattoes. 
"For  laws  excluding  negroes  and  mulattoes  from  coming  into  and  vot- 
ing in  the  State." 


4  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

The  2d  of  August  came.  At  the  polls  the  antislavery 
men  were  confident  and  jubilant,  the  Conventionists  deter- 
mined but  despondent.  The  result  was  a  decided  victory 
for  the  opponents  of  the  convention.  The  figures  were 
4,972  votes  for,  and  6,640  against,  or  a  majority  of  1,668 
votes  against  the  convention  out  of  a  total  ballot  of  I  I,6i2.1 

At  the  same  time  Mr.  Daniel  Cook  (antislavery)  was 
elected  Representative  over  Ex-Governor  Bond  (proslav- 
ery)  by  a  large  majority,2  and  the  Anticonventionists  made 
substantial  gains  in  the  elections  to  the  State  Legislature.3 

The  results  of  this  victory  to  the  State  and  people  of 
Illinois  were  considerable.  The  question,  Shall  Illinois 
be  ranked  among  the  slave  States?  was  settled  once  and 
forever.  Emigration  from  the  South  was  checked,  be- 
cause Southerners  would  not  go  to  a  country  where  the 
prospects  of  retaining  their  slaves  were  extremely  limited. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  door  was  more  effectually  opened 
to  emigrants  from  the  North  and  from  the  East;  and 
within  six  years  they  had  poured  into  Central  and  North- 
ern Illinois  so  numerously  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of 
the  proslavery  element  ever  gaining  supreme  control  in 
State  affairs.  Thus  the  character  of  immigration  to  our 
State  was  early  determined;  and  the  predominance  of 
antislavery  sympathizers  made  the  problems  of  later 
generations  easier  to  solve.4 

'Official  returns  as  given  in  records  at  Springfield. 

•Official  returns  give  3,016 as  Mr.  Cook's  majority. 

"Official  returns— In  the  House  the  parties  stood:  22  antislavery,  14  pro- 
slavery;  Senate,  11  proslavery,  7  or  8  antislavery.  The  exact  status  in  the 
Senate,  after  the  election,  is  most  difficult  to  determine.  The  vote  on  January 
18,  1825,  resulted  in  a  defeat  for  Morris  Birkbeck  (for  Secretary  of  State)  by  7 
ballots  (antislavery)  to  10  (proslavery).  However,  one  or  more  Senators  were 
absent,  and  one  proslavery  man  (Widen)  voted  for  Birkbeck. 

*It  is  not  claimed  here  that  the  Southern  element  already  in  the  State  did 
not  play  an  important  role  in  later  Illinois  history;  but  if  the  people  had  been 
evenly  divided  on  the  question  of  negro  servitude,  the  contest  over  that  subject 
in  the  State  would  have  been  vastly  more  severe,  and  more  difficult  to  settle. 
If  the  majority  had  been  proslavery  men,  there  is  not  much  doubt  that  the 
State  might  have  been  divided  at  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  A  CONVENTION    49 

It  was  a  great  advantage  economically,  moreover,  that 
the  institution  of  slavery  was  thus  early  excluded  from  the 
prairies  of  Illinois.  If  it  had  been  encouraged,  slave 
labor  would  have  driven  out  all  other  labor,  the  want  of 
independent,  energetic,  and  progressive  farmers  would 
have  been  felt,  and  the  development  of  the  country  very 
materially  retarded.  Further,  the  State  was  saved  a 
lengthy  contest  with  the  Federal  Government  on  the 
question  of  its  right  to  change  its  practically  free  Consti- 
tution, on  the  basis  of  which  it  had  been  admitted  into  the 
Union,  for  one  which  recognized  the  institution  of  slavery.1 

1  The  Constitution  of  1818  was  not  submitted  to  the  people  for  approval; 
and  doubtless  the  proposed  one  would  not  have  been.  Therefore  the  vote  of 
1824  was  the  only  opportunity  for  the  people  to  show  their  will. 


CHAPTER  V. 

NEGRO   SERVITUDE   UNDER  THE   CONSTI- 
TUTION  OF    1818. 

The  triumph  of  the  Anticonventionists  in  Illinois  was 
generally  regarded,  both  in  the  North  and  South,  as  an 
antislavery  victory,  and  the  prevailing  opinion  seems  to 
have  been  that  a  strong  antislavery  party  existed  within 
the  State.  The  population  at  once  increased  rapidly 
through  immigration,  so  that  the  number  of  inhabitants 
rose  from  55,211,  in  I82O,1  to  71,309,  in  1825, 2  ancj 
attained  the  remarkable  figure  of  157,575  by  1830^} 
Within  the  same  ten  years  thirty-four  new  counties  were 
organized,  of  which  twenty-nine  were  settled  chiefly  by 
Eastern  men  and  but  five  by  men  of  Southern  sympathies.3 

One  might  naturally  infer  from  this,  that  a  strong  anti- 
slavery  party  would  be  evolved  from  the  anticonvention 
party  as  a  nucleus,  or  at  least  a  powerful  antislavery  senti- 
ment created  during  the  decade  from  1820  to  1830,  which 
would  have  brought  about  the  dissolution  of  the  indenture 
system.  Nothing  of  the  kind  occurred.  No  antislavery 
movement  of  any  sort  grew  out  of  the  contest  of  1823-1824. 

With  the  vote  in  August,  1824,  the  organization  of  the 
Anticonventionists  fell  to  the  ground.  The  discussion  of 
slavery  in  the  papers  ceased.4  People  generally  stopped 

1  United  States  Census,  1820  and  1830. 

*  State  Census  of  1825,  as  given  in  the  "Spectator,"  January  14,  1826. 

3  Vote  by  counties  on  the  convention  in  the  records  of  the  Secretary  of 
State;  List  of  counties  and  date  of  organization  given  in   Moses'  "Illinois," 
Appendix,  Vols.  I  and  II;  and  on  Blanchard's  map  of  Illinois. 

4  The  "Spectator"  and  "Intelligencer"  from  August,  1824,  to  January,  1826, 
contain  but  one  article,  "Total  Abolition,"  in  "Spectator,"  November  2, 1824. 

SO 


UNDER  THE  CONSTITUTION   OF   1818  51 

talking  about  it,  and  it  played  no  vital  part  in  the  selec- 
tion of  a  United  States  Senator  in  I826,1  or  in  the  popu- 
lar elections  of  1826,  1828,  and  i830.2  The  subject  of 
slavery  seems  to  have  been  dropped  by  common  consent. 
The  Anticonventionists,  joyous  over  their  victory,  felt  no 
desire  to  carry  the  matter  further,  since  the  State  was  safe 
from  slavery  for  all  time.  The  Conventionists  were 
anxious  to  see  the  topics  of  slavery  and  convention  sink 
as  rapidly  as  possible  into  oblivion.  They  desired  to 
regain  popularity  and  to  be  free  from  the  taint  of  associa- 
tion in  the  scheme  to  make  Illinois  a  slave  State.  So  the 
subject  was  allowed  to  fade  quietly  out  of  mind,  no  word 
even  being  raised  against  the  holding  of  negroes  as  inden- 
tured servants. 

The  courts  sustained  masters  in  their  right  to  hold 
slaves,3  and  the  Legislature  showed  little  disposition  to 
repeal  the  "Black  Laws"  of  1819.  In  1825  the  freeing 
of  negroes  who  had  lately  come  within  the  State  was 
made  possible  under  certain  conditions,4  but  no  law  was 
enacted  which  altered  in  any  way  the  existing  contracts 
for  personal  service.  In  fact,  the  disposition  was  to 
strengthen  rather  than  to  weaken  the  position  of  the 
master. 

In  1827  and  1829  laws  were  passed  forbidding  negroes 
to  act  as  witnesses  in  the  courts  against  any  white  person, 
and  prohibiting  them  from  suing  for  their  freedom.5 
Judges  were  ordered  not  to  grant  freedom  to  slaves,  but 

1  Between  E.  K.  Kane  and  John  McLean,  "Spectator,"  December  7,  and 
November  30,  1824;  Senate  Journal,  p.  38. 

2  There  is  no  mention  of  slavery  in  the  "Spectator"  or  Intelligencer"  in  the 
weeks  preceding  these  elections. 

3  Cornelius  v.  Cohen,  in  1825,  111.  Supreme  Court  Decisions,  "Breeze," 
page  131. 

Nance  v.  Howard,  in  1828,  "Breeze,"  page  242. 

*  Senate  Journal,  page  170(1825);  Home  Journal,  page  162. 

6  Session  Laws,  1827,  "An  Act  Concerning  Practice." 


52  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

to  turn  them  over  to  the  sheriff,  who  should  send  them 
back  to  their  owners.1  This  last  referred  primarily  to 
fugitives  from  the  Southern  States,  but  it  applied  equally 
well  to  the  Illinois  servants.  It  was  provided,  in  addition, 
in  1826,  that  all  slaves  who  attempted  to  escape  must 
serve  extra  time  in  payment  for  the  expenses  of  recapture.2 

The  number  of  negroes  held  in  Illinois  under  the  in- 
denture system  gradually  decreased.  In  1830  there  were 
only  seven  hundred  and  forty-six.3  This  was  due  to 
deaths,  removals  from  the  State,  expiration  of  indenture 
contracts,  and  the  granting  of  freedom  papers.4  There 
were  comparatively  few  persons,  however,  like  J.  S. 
Colton  and  Joseph  Atwater,  of  Madison  County,  who 
freed  their  slaves  on  principle.  They  were  too  valuable 
property  to  be  parted  with  easily.  Usually  we  find  mas- 
ters granting  freedom  to  their  negroes,  because,  "he  has 
compensated  me  by  his  labor  and  money  for  the  amount 
I  paid  for  him,  viz.,  $825"; 5  or,  because  "she  has  served 
out  her  time  faithfully."6 

Negroes  were  not  only  retained  in  servitude  after  1824, 
but  they  were  sold  and  transferred  from  master  to  master 
just  as  before  the  adoption  of  the  new  Constitution. 
There  are  bills  of  sale  still  preserved,  dated  as  late  as 
1837, 7  and  one  in  1848.  The  newspapers  contained 

1  Session  Laws,  1829,  "An  Act  on  Negroes,"  etc. 

"Session  Laws,  1826,  "An  Act  Concerning  Apprentices." 

3  United  States  Census  for  1830. 

*See  the  records  of  St.  Clair,  Madison,  Randolph,  and  Gallatin  counties. 

6  St.  Clair  County  "  Register  of  Negroes  and  Mulattoes,"  case  of  William 
Ross,  freed  by  Elizabeth  Padlield  on  October  29,  1841. 

6  Records  of  Gallatin  County,  case  of  Sarah  Hargrave,  freed  by  Henry  Eddy 
on  February  12,  1848. 

'  Records  of  Madison  County,  bills  of  sale  of]  J  g^bSe^ffei. 

Records  of  Greene  County,  bills  of  sale  of  three  negroes,  December  7,  1835, 
and  seven  on  September  18,  1848. 

Deed  Records  of  Jackson  County  (p.  466),  sale  of  Wilkenson  Dumbaley  by 
John  Logan,  July  3,  1837,  etc. 


UNDER  THE   CONSTITUTION   OF   1818  53 

advertisements  of  negroes  for  sale,  or  wanted,  till  1826. 
Colored  persons  found  in  the  State  without  freedom 
papers  and  unclaimed  by  masters  were  arrested  and  sold 
at  auction  by  the  county  sheriffs.  Notices  of  these 
sheriff-sales  appeared  as  late  as  I853.1  In  most  cases  of 
this  kind,  the  negroes  were  bound  out  only  for  one  month 
or  a  year. 

It  is  quite  impossible  to  determine  when  the  last  of 
these  indentured  servants  secured  his  (or  her)  freedom, 
owing  to  the  great  difficulty  of  procuring  accurate  knowl- 
edge regarding  all  the  cases.  It  is  safe  to  assume,  how- 
ever, that  many  were  not  set  at  liberty  till  after  the 
Supreme  Court  decision  of  l845.2 

For  the  most  part,  they  seem  to  have  been  well  treated; 
yet,  during  the  years  from  1820  to  1826  a  large  number 
of  cases  of  runaway  negroes  were  reported.  They  were 
pursued,  and  rewards  were  offered  for  their  capture. 
Judging  from  the  length  of  time  these  fugitives  were 
advertised,  it  appears  more  than  likely  that  few  if  any 
were  retaken.  There  are  no  cases  mentioned  after  1826, 
and  one  may  safely  conclude  that,  either  the  lot  of  the 
negro  was  pleasanter  after  that  date,  or  that  he  was  more 
contented. 

At  that  time,  however,  there  were  two  good  reasons 
why  the  slaves  should  remain  satisfied  with  their  lot. 
These  were,  the  almost  unbearable  position  of  the  free 

1  "Alton  Telegraph,"  January  26,  1853;  "Chicago  Journal,"  July  i,  1853;  etc. 

2  There  are  several  cases  dated  later  than  1845,  reported  in  the  county 
records  that  1  have  examined,  especially  the  case  of  Cynthia  Prater,  freed  by 
S.  D.  Marshall  on  August  31,  1853;  Gallatin  County  Records,  1853;  see  also: 

Madison  County  "slave  papers,"  case  ot  Amos,  held  by  Henry  Bienvenul 
(of  Kaskaskia). 

St.  Clair  County  Records  (June  22,  1848),  will  of  Michael  LaCroix  shows 
slaves  held. 

St.  Clair  County  Records  (March  25,  1844),  will  of  D.  Coons,  gives  girl 
Charlotte  to  wife  to  be  free  on  wife's  death. 

Madison  County,  the  West  family  held  slaves  till  1845;  personal  testimony 
of  E.  W.  West,  of  Belleville. 


54  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

colored  people  in  the  State,  and  the  barbarous  practice 
of  kidnapping  all  unattached  negroes.  The  former  was 
caused  by  the  strong  public  sentiment  against  the  intro- 
duction of  free  negroes  into  the  State,  and  the  stringent 
statutes  which  deprived  them  of  all  civil  and  political 
rights,  and  tolerated  their  presence  on  the  soil  of  Illinois 
merely  as  an  unavoidable  evil.  The  latter  was  begun  as 
early  as  I8I6,1  but  by  1822-1823  it  had  assumed  such 
proportions  that  it  was  condemned  by  the  press,  and  the 
Legislature  was  appealed  to  frequently  to  put  a  stop  to  it.2 

At  length,  in  1825,  an  "Act  to  More  Effectually  Pre- 
vent Kidnapping"  was  passed,  in  which  this  nefarious 
practice  was  forbidden  under  penalty  of  the  pillory, 
together  with  twenty-five  to  one  hundred  stripes,  or  of  a 
thousand  dollars'  fine.  This  does  not  seem  to  have 
proved  effectual,  however^  There  is  no  evidence  that 
any  attempt  even  was  made  to  enforce  the  law  rigidly; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  kidnapping  increased  rapidly 
until  it  assumed  the  proportions  of  an  established  enter- 
prise.3 

Two  or  three  men  were  usually  associated  together  for 
this  business.  One  would  establish  himself  at  St.  Louis, 
or  at  one  of  the  other  border  towns,  and  work  up  a  repu- 
tation as  a  seller  of  slaves.  The  others  would  move  about 
the  Illinois  counties  on  the  lookout  for  negroes — slave  or 
free.  The  freebooters  never  stopped  to  inquire  whether 
a  colored  person  was  free  or  not.  The  question  simply 
was,  could  he  be  carried  off  in  safety?  The  chances  of 
pursuit  were  less  if  the  negro  had  no  owner  or  interested 

1  "Edwardsville  Spectator,"  August  4,  i8iq;  "Western  Spy"  (Cincinnati), 
July  25,  June  8  and  28, 1817. 

-'Missouri  Republican"  (St.  Louis),  April  10,1822;  "Edwardsville  Specta- 
tor," September  21, 1822,  June  7,  1823,  etc. 

3  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1825  (Act  dated  January  18);  later  enactments  were 
made  January  6, 1827;  1831;  February  26,  1833;  February  15,  1855;  under  "Crimi- 
nal Code." 


UNDER  THE  CONSTITUTION   OF   1818  55 

friends.  The  slave-hunters  seized  their  victims  secretly, 
or  enticed  them  to  accompany  them  under  false  promises, 
placed  them  in  wagons,  and  drove  as  rapidly  as  possible 
to  the  borders  of  the  State.  They  usually  succeeded  in 
getting  several  hours'  start  of  the  county  sheriff,  or  other 
persons  likely  to  pursue  them,  and  escaped  in  safety. 
Occasionally,  however,  they  were  overtaken  and  com- 
pelled to  release  their  prey.1 

Another  method  of  procedure,  which  grew  more  popu- 
lar as  the  danger  of  pursuit  and  recapture  increased,  was 
to  carry  the  negroes  to  some  spot  on  the  Mississippi  or 
Ohio  River.  Once  there,  they  were  smuggled  on  board 
ships  and  forwarded  to  Memphis  or  New  Orleans,  where 
they  were  sold  into  slavery.  Young  able-bodied  negroes 
brought  good  prices.  One  could  hardly  fail  to  make  less 
than  one  hundred  dollars  on  a  slave.  Often  it  was  very 
much  more,  and  consequently  kidnapping  proved  a  profit- 
able business.2 

To  evade  the  letter  of  the  law,  a  scheme  was  devised  ) 
by  which  the  negroes  were  taken  from  county  to  county'- 
by  different  men  and  finally  delivered  to  agents  from  the 
South  within  the  limits  of  Illinois.     Thus  residents  of  Illi- 
nois were  in  no  way  guilty  of  abducting  negroes  out  of  the  ' 
State. 

The  kidnappers  were,  moreover,  materially  aided  by 
the  laws  regarding  colored  people.  No  free  negro  or 

1  Testimony  of  Nathaniel  Niles,  of  Belleville,  and  other  old  residents  of  cen- 
tral and  southern  Illinois.    See  also  Mr.  Eastman's  papers  at  the  Chicago  His- 
torical Society,  and  Mr.  George  M.  McConnell's  article  on  "Illinois  and  its 
People,"  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Illinois  Historical  Society  No.  7. 

2  The  "Illinois  Spectator,"  1825-1826.    The  most  noted  of  the  negro-stealers 
who  operated  with  St.  Louis  and  Illinoistown  (now  East  St.  Louis)  as  a  base 
were  James  Duncan,  Joseph  McAdams,  and  Mose  Twist.    A  prominent  resi- 
dent of  Shawneetown — Mr.  John  C — had  a  cave  near  by  on  the  Wabash  River, 
where  he  used  to  secrete  negroes  until  he  could  send  them  south  on  the  Ohio 
River  boats. 

Interesting  accounts  of  attempted  kidnapping  are  given  in  Mr.  Eastman's 
papers  (also  copied  in  Vol.  1  of  Andreas's  "History  of  Chicago")  and  in  Mr. 
McConnell's  article,  referred  to  above. 


56  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

,*•••— 

mulatto  could  settle  or  reside  in  the  State  without  a  cer- 
tificate of  freedom.1  This  certificate  must  be  shown  to 
the  Commissioner's  Court  of  the  county  in  which  resi- 
dence was  desired.  In  addition,  a  bond  of  a  thousand 
dollars  had  to  be  furnished  as  security  that  the  negro 
would  obey  the  laws  and  not  become  a  county  charge. 
Further,  it  was  illegal  for  any  person  to  hire  a  negro  who 
possessed  no  certificate  of  freedom.  The  unfortunate 
individuals  who  had  no  certificates  were  to  be  advertised 
by  a  justice  of  peace,  or  by  a  county  sheriff,  and  bound 
out  to  service  again  by  the  year  or  month.2  Under  such 
conditions,  any  negro  who  entered  the  State  as  a  free  man 
without  a  duly  certified  testimonial  of  freedom,  or  who 
became  free  within  the  State  by  completing  his  required 
term  of  apprenticeship  without  receiving  papers  from  his 
master  acknowledging  this  fact,  was  a  legitimate  prey  of 
the  kidnappers. 

In  course  of  time,  numbers  of  runaway  slaves  appeared 
in  Illinois,  who  were  of  course  included  in  this  class  of 
uncertified  free  negroes.  Consequently — and  particularly 
since  they  were  known  to  the  fugitives  from  Southern 
plantations — they  became  especial  objects  of  pursuit  for 
the  kidnappers.  The  pretense  of  a  master  pursuing  his 
escaping  property  under  sanction  of  the  fugitive  slave 
laws  was  an  excellent  subterfuge.  This  was  made  use 
of  by  the  kidnappers  not  only  to  seize  negroes  known  to 
be  runaway  slaves  but  to  get  possession  of  many  free  and 
unsuspecting  colored  persons. 

The  majority  of  Illinoisans  were  opposed  to  the  prac- 

1  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1819,  March  30,  "Act  concerning  free  negroes,"  etc. 
Sec.  i;  also  in  Revised  Statutes  of  1845  and  approved. 

•Statutes  of  Illinois,  1819,  Sec.  7,  "Act  concerning  free  negroes,"  etc. 

Statutes  of  Illinois,  1829,  Sec.  2,  "Act  concerning  free  negroes,"  etc. 

Statutes  of  Illinois,  1853  (February  12),  Sec.  4,  "Act  to  prevent  immigra- 
tion of  free  negroes." 


UNDER  THE   CONSTITUTION   OF   1818  57 

tice  of  kidnapping,  and  in  many  localities,  like  Eden,  it 
was  almost  impossible  for  the  kidnappers  to  get  away 
with  a  free  negro,  except  with  the  utmost  secrecy  and 
under  coyer  of  darkness,  on  account  of  the  open  hostility 
of  the  inhabitants  to  the  negro-hunters. 

When  the  business  of  kidnapping  had  in  a  way  been 
legalized  by  falling  heir  to  the  work  of  recapturing  fugi- 
tive slaves,  an  important  change  occurred  in  public  opinion 
concerning  the  practice  of  negro-hunting.  The  fact  that 
the  slave-hunters  were  the  agents — or  the  pretended 
agents — of  Southern  slaveholders,  who,  in  accordance 
with  the  laws  of  Congress,  were  engaged  in  an  effort  to 
secure  their  lost  property,  introduced  a  division  of  senti- 
ment in  the  matter.  Great  numbers  of  the  people,  espe- 
cially in  the  southern  part  of  the  State,  sympathized  with 
the  slave-owners.  They  thought  that  the  masters  were 
only  asserting  their  just  rights,  and  should  not  be  hindered 
in  the  effort  to  regain  their  runaway  slaves.  Many  even 
thought  it  not  wrong  to  assist  the  masters,  or  their  sup- 
posed agents,  in  capturing  the  fleeing  negroes. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  vast  majority  of  the  people  in 
the  north  and  centre  of  the  State,  and  in  some  districts 
scattered  here  and  there  in  the  southern  part,  sympathized 
with  the  negro,  especially  when  it  was  known  that  his 
pursuer  was  not  his  lawful  master.  This  class  was  for  the 
most  part  composed  of  people  of  strong  antislavery  prin- 
ciples and  b/mpathies.  They  were  only  too  glad  to  see  a 
poor  slave  escape  safely  from  bondage,  and  were  quite 
willing  to  assist  him  when  necessary  in  eluding  his  pur- 
suers. This  state  of  things  in  the  districts  near  the  Slave 
States  gave  rise  to  the  most  intense  feeling  and  the  bitter- 
est opposition  between  the  two  parties.  It  amounted  in 
many  cases  almost  to  open  hostilities.  The  proslavery 


5§  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

sympathizers  aided  and  abetted  the  negro-hunters,  while 
the  antislavery  men  protected  and  defended  the  negroes. 
Out  of  this  struggle  grew  the  so-called  "Underground 
Railway, ' '  which  was  instituted  by  the  antislavery  sympa- 
thizers in  order  to  aid  the  negroes  to  escape  to  the  North 
in  safety. 

It  is  difficult  to  comprehend,  at  this  date,  the  bitter 
animosity  felt  by  the  inhabitants  of  southern  Illinois 
toward  the  conductors  of  this  railway.  So  great  was 
the  hostility  in  many  sections,  that  the  lives  of  well-known 
antislavery  men  were  often  threatened,  and  absolute 
secrecy  as  to  the  location  of  the  Underground  Railway 
"stations"  was  necessitated  not  only  to  facilitate  the 
escape  of  the  negroes,  but  also  for  the  better  security  of 
the  lives  and  property  of  the  Underground  Railway  pro- 
moters. 

The  spirit  displayed  by  these  men  was  admirable  and 
worthy  of  a  noble  cause.  Many  were  well-to-do  farmers, 
brave,  rough-handed  men,  simple  in  their  lives  and  creeds. 
Some  were  honest  tradesfolk  and  prominent  citizens  in  the 
towns.  Everywhere  they  displayed  an  indomitable  cour- 
age backed  by  a  will  not  to  be  balked  or  thwarted.  Noth- 
ing illustrates  their  spirit  as  well  as  the  authenticated 
story  of  Burlingame.1 

Mr.  Burlingame  was  a  prominent  antislavery  leader 
and  farmer  living  at  Sparta.  One  day  it  was  noised 
about  that  Mose  Twist  (the  well-known  kidnapper)  was 
at  Sparta  looking  for  an  escaped  slave.  Burlingame  went 
immediately  to  Sparta,  and  sought  out  Twist.  "You're 
lookin'  for  a  runaway  nigger?"  he  asked.  "Yes," 
replied  the  slave-hunter.  "Well,"  retorted  Burlingame, 

1  Authority  of  Nathaniel  Niles  (of  Belleville),  and  James  Hood  (of  Sparta), 
both  of  whom  knew  Burlingame  well. 


UNDER  THE   CONSTITUTION   OF   1818  59 

"that  nigger  is  at  my  house.  You  come  there  at  your 
peril.  Good  day,  sir!"  It  is  needless  to  add  Twist  did 
not  go. 

The  position  of  the  men  who  were  engaged  in  the 
Underground  Railway  was  rendered  dangerous  by  reason 
of  the  laws  which  attached  a  penalty  of  five  hundred 
dollars  to  the  crime  of  harboring  or  secreting  a  slave.1 
The  conductors  of  the  Underground  Railway  did  not 
hesitate,  however,  to  afford  the  negroes  under  their 
roofs  personal  protection,  even  to  the  use  of  firearms.2 
But  generally  the  presence  of  the  slaves  was  kept  very 
secret.  Many  interesting  incidents  are  related  by  men 
who  still  remember  those  stirring  times,  concerning  the 
escape  of  negroes  via  the  Underground  Railway,  and  very 
few  who  once  got  safe  on  board  an  "Underground"  train 
were  ever  retaken.3 

The  practice  of  assisting  fugitive  slaves  was  begun  as 
early  as  1818,  but  the  Underground  Railway  movement 
was  not  well  established  until  about  1835.*  It  was  not  a 
systematic  organization  with  regular  stations  and  officers, 

1  Session  Laws,  1826,  Act  on  apprentices.    Section  9-12. 

Session  Laws,  1827.    See  also  revised  Statutes,  1845. 

Session  Laws,  1833,  Criminal  Code,  Section  147-49. 

"See  "Belleville  Advocate,"  September  5,1851,  for  account  of  the  armed 
resistance  made  by  citizens  of  Sparta,  Illinois,  to  Sherwood,  of  Missouri,  and 
his  friends,  who  were  pursuing  his  runaway  slave. 

3  Personal  testimony  of  Mr.  James  Hood,x  of  Sparta,  and  others.    Among 
those  which  we  have  heard  related  were  the  incident  of  John  Hood,  uncle  of 
James.    He  and  his  wife  aided  a  negro  and  wife  to  escape  from  a  party  of 
kidnappers  who  had  them  in  charge  on  the  homeward  journey,  and  who  had 
stopped  for  the  night  at  Mr.  Hood's  house,  by  removing  the  negroes  from  the 
cellar,  where  their  captors  had  placed  them  under  lock  and  key,  to  the  centre 
of  a  large  haystack  on  the  farm,  where  they  were  fed  and  concealed  a  whole 
week. 

Also  the  case  of  a  negro  named  John  Walker.  Walker  had  come  from 
Tennessee  without  freedom  papers,  and  was  hired  by  Archibald  Hood,  father  of 
James.  Two  kidnappers  appeared,  and  one  claimed  to  be  the  master  of  the 
negro,  who  said  he  had  never  seen  him  and  did  not  know  him.  When  the 
kidnapper  attempted  to  take  him  by  force,  the  farmer  and  his  sons  held  the 
slaver's  assistant  and  gave  the  negro  a  chance  to  fight  it  out  with  his  supposed 
master.  The  negro,  Walker,  came  off  best  in  the  affray  and  escaped,  leaving 
the  kidnapper  badly  wounded,  to  be  carried  off  to  the  Sparta  tavern  by  his 
friend  and  Mr.  Hood. 

4  See  Siebert,  "Underground  Railway,"  p.  40,  and  following. 


60  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

but  rather  a  number  of  isolated  communities  where  the 
escaping  negro  was  sure  of  rest  and  protection.  Usually 
when  a  slave  reached  one  of  these  so-called  "stations," 
he  was  fed,  housed  for  a  short  time,  and  assisted  in  one 
way  or  another  to  reach  the  next  "depot,"  if  the  location 
of  one  such  was  known.  Often,  however,  the  negro  had 
to  arake  his  way  North  alone,  as  best  he  could,  from  the 
general  directions  that  his  last  host  was  able  to  furnish 
him. 

There  were  a  number  of  so-called  "lines"  which 
crossed  the  State,  especially  its  northern  portion.  These 
were  nothing  more  than  a  series  of  places,  more  or  less 
connected,  where  the  negro  could  be  reasonably  secure  of 
protection  and  assistance. 

The  starting-points  of  three  of  these  routes  were  Ches- 
ter, Alton,  and  Quincy.  The  first  mentioned  passed  near 
Eden,  Coulterville,  and  Oakdale  to  a  point  near  Nashville. 
Then  the  negroes  were  directed  due  northward  to  the 
Illinois  River,  passing  en  route  probably  near  Vandalia, 
Decatur,  and  Bloomington.  From  Alton  the  negroes 
were  aided  northeastward  by  Jacksonville  till  the  Illinois 
River  was  reached,  and  then  along  its  banks  to  the  vicin- 
ity of  La  Salle  and  Ottawa.  From  Quincy  the  fugitives 
were  assisted  to  La  Salle  via  places  in  the  vicinity  of 
Mendon,  Plymouth,  Galesburg,  Osceola,  and  Princeton. 
One  of  the  routes,  worked  between  Ottawa  and  Chicago 
for  some  time,  lay  through  Northville,  Plainfield,  Cass, 
and  Lyons.1 

1  None  of  the  present  railway  systems  which  cross  Illinois  were  in  opera- 
tion before  1850,  so  that  they  could  not  have  been  used  by  the  negroes  before 
that  date.  Nor  have  1  been  able  to  find  any  evidence  that  the  railways  were 
used  between  1850  and  1860.  Professor  Siebert,  in  his  "Underground  Rail- 
way" (pp.  14-15),  assures  us  that  they  were  used;  but  it  seems  he  must  be  in 
error.  For  neither  in  the  records  nor  in  private  conversation  (or  correspon- 
dence) with  those  once  connected  with  the  Underground  Railway  have  1  found 
any  confirmation  of  his  theory. 


'UNDER  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  i8is        61 

The  objective  point  in  common  of  all  these  "Under- 
ground" lines  was  Canada.  A  few  of  the  fugitives  found 
homes  and  work  in  the  northern  part  of  Illinois,  but  the 
great  majority  were  smuggled  on  board  ships  at  Chicago 
and  forwarded  to  English  soil.  The  officers  of  the  ves- 
sels were  wont,  like  Captain  Blake  of  the  "Illinois,"  to 
discover  the  presence  of  the  blacks  when  nearing  some 
Canadian  port  on  the  Great  Lakes,  and  then  to  hurry 
them  almost  violently  ashore  with  a  great  show  of  anger 
or  displeasure. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  estimate  at  the  present  writing 
the  number  of  colored  persons  who  were  assisted  to  free- 
dom in  this  way,  but  in  the  course  of  twenty-five  years — 
1835  to  i860 — it  must  have  been  very  considerable. 
"Scores  at  a  time,"  we  are  told,  "were  aided  by  the 
Hoods,  Moores,  McClurkins,  and  Milligans  of  the  Eden- 
Nashville  route."1  Mr.  Van  Dorn,  of  Quincy,  in  the 
course  of  twenty-five  years,  gave  help  to  some  two  or 
three  hundred  fugitives.2  Philo  Carpenter,  of  Chicago, 
is  said  to  have  assisted  two  hundred  negroes  to  embark  in 
that  city,3  and  many  of  Mr.  Carpenter's  friends,  such  as 
Mr.  Z.  Eastman  and  Dr.  Dyer,  frequently  aided  slaves  to 
escape — sometimes  secreting  them  in  their  own  residences.4 

Before  the  Underground  Railway  had  been  fully  inaugu- 
rated, the  interest  in  the  question  of  slavery,  as  a  purely 
State  problem,  had  gradually  died  out,  and  the  subject 
had  become,  politically  speaking,  a  back  number.  There 
were,  however,  large  numbers  of  men  who  had  been 

1  Siebert,  p.  15. 

8  Siebert,  p.  88. 

3  E.  G.  Mason,  "Early  Chicago  and  Illinois,"  p.  no. 

*  Personal  testimony  of  Mr.  Sidney  Eastman  and  article  by  Z.  Eastman  on 
Dr.  Dyer,  at  time  of  the  latter's  death,  in  the  "Chicago  Times,"  for  April  25, 
1878.  Dr.  Dyer's  home  was  a  regular  "depot"  of  the  Underground  Railway,  and 
he  is  credited  with  having  assisted  the  first  fugitive  slave  to  escape,  who 
reached  Chicago. 


62  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

trained  to  believe  that  slavery  was  a  leading  element  in 
the  State's  prosperity.  And  whenever  the  people  of  Illi- 
nois were  loaded  down  with  debts  and  depression  in  busi- 
ness, such  men  were  ever  ready  to  put  forth  the  claim 
that  all  would  be  well  if  the  State  government  would  only 
call  a  convention  and  readjust  the  Constitution  so  that 
slaves  could  be  purchased  and  held  there.  Such  declar- 
ations continued  to  be  made  as  late  as  I84O,1  and  one 
stirring  appeal  for  the  introduction  of  slavery  on  economic 
grounds  was  published  even  in  1854. 2 

The  holding  of  indentured  servants,  the  kidnapping  of 
free  negroes,  and  the  continual  excitement  over  escaping 
slaves  served  to  keep  the  general  subject  in  a  measure  still 
before  the  people.  There  was,  however,  no  approach  to 
a  general  agitation  over  the  question  of  slavery  for  some 
years — till  the  labors  of  the  abolitionists  began  to  excite 
universal  comment  and  criticism.  It  was  chiefly  through 
their  writing  and  efforts  to  arouse  the  people  everywhere 
into  a  realization  of  the  evils  of  slavery  and  to  awaken 
within  all  hearts  a  desire  to  see  the  slaves  freed,  that  the 
negro  question  again  became  a  predominant  issue  in  the 
politics  of  Illinois.  The  antislavery  movement  in  Illinois 
did  not  begin  to  assume  important  proportions  until  some 
time  after  the  death  of  Lovejoy.  Still  in  the  West,  as  in 
the  East,  the  eloquent  and  uncompromising  utterances  of 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  in  his  "Liberator,"3  demanding 
immediate  and  unconditional  emancipation,  impressed  all 
thinking  men,  and  his  principles  found  some  acceptance. 

1  Z.  Eastman,  "Anti-Slavery  Agitation  in  Illinois."    Article  in  Blanchard's 
"Illinois." 

2  "Belleville  Advocate"  for  November  8,  1854,  in  which  is  reprinted  a  "Let- 
ter to  the  Charleston  (Illinois)  Courier,"  written  by  Dumas  J.  VanDeren,  and 
dated  September  16,  1854,  which  advocates  the  right  of  any  State  to  change 
its  Constitution  on  the  question  of  slavery,  and  urges  Illinois  to  do  so  for  the 
benefit  of  all  agricultural  pursuits. 

3  Established  in  1831. 


UNDER  THE   CONSTITUTION   OF   1818  63 

The  opposition  to  the  doctrines  of  the  abolitionists,  on 
the  other  hand,  was  at  this  time  as  intense  and  bitter  in 
Illinois  as  in  other  sections  of  the  North.  The  majority 
of  the  people,  even  among  those  who  were  opposed  to 
slavery  on  principle,  looked  upon  the  movement  for  imme- 
diate emancipation  as  premature  and  ill-judged.  The 
press  of  the  State  opposed  the  doctrine.  The  "Chicago 
American"  was  especially  outspoken  in  its  opposition  to 
the  abolitionists.  It  regarded  slavery  as  an  evil,  but 
looked  "with  abhorrence  upon  all  measures  which  may 
intend  to  instigate  the  blacks  to  insubordination  and 
insurrection,"  and  deplored  "the  interference  of  the  abo- 
litionists, who  only  forged  new  fetters  and  placed  in  immi- 
nent peril  the  lives  and  property  of  the  white  population."1 
xEven  such  men  as  Z.  Eastman,  who  later  became  the 
editor  of  the  "Western  Citizen"2 — the  official  organ  of 
the  Liberty  Party — and  the  Reverend  J.  M.  Peck,  a 
strong  anticonvention  man  in  1824,  were  opposed  to  the 
abolitionists  in  the  thirties./-  Mr.  Eastman  claimed  that 
the  movement  for  immediate  freedom  was  ill-judged  and 
that  the  introduction  of  negroes  into  white  society  was 
"an  ill-timed  and  unhappy  movement."  In  all  their 
efforts  the  abolitionists  seemed  to  him  to  be  advancing 
far  too  rapidly  with  their  theories  to  retain  the  support  of 
public  opinion.3 

The  abolition  doctrines  met  with  general  disapproval 
everywhere  throughout  the  Union.  The  sentiments  ex- 
pressed in  Congress,  in  1837,*  were  shared  alike  by  the 

1  "Chicago  American,"  September  5,  1835. 

a  Established  in  i8}o  as  the  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  by  Warren  and  Eastman, 
in  La  Salle  County  and  in  Chicago  in  1842,  as  the  "Western  Citizen." 

3  "Vermont  Free  Press"  (edited  by  Eastman),  August,  19, 1834. 

4  "Your  Committee  cannot  conceive  how  any  true  friend  of  the  black  man 
can  hope  to  benefit  him  through  the  instrumentality  of  abolition  societies. 
....  They  have  forged  new  fetters  for  the  black  man  and  added  a  hundred 
fold  to  the  rigors  of  slavery.    They  have  scattered  the  firebrands  of  discord 


64  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

masses  both  in  the  North  and  South.  The  abolitionists 
declared  again  and  again,  that  their  aim  in  agitating  the 
subject  of  immediate  emancipation  was  only  to  convince 
the  Southern  slaveholders  of  their  duty  to  humanity,  that 
they  desired  the  emancipating  to  be  done  by  the  masters 
themselves,  and  that  they  were  opposed  to  "the  oppressed 
vindicating  their  rights  by  physical  force  in  opposition  to 
the  laws  of  the  land";  but  their  statements  were  not 
believed. 

On  the  contrary,  their  purposes  were  wilfully  mis- 
represented, their  theories  distorted,  and  their  methods 
ridiculed.  "There  are  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands," 
wrote  Dr.  Channing  to  Mr.  Birney,  in  1836,  "who  do 
honestly  believe  that  in  all  their  movements  the  abolition- 
ists are  actuated  by  a  fierce  and  reckless  spirit  of  fanati- 
cism, careless  of  all  consequences,  and  determined  to 
carry  their  point  and  effect  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves,  even  though  it  should  involve  the  whole  land  in 
carnage  and  flame.  We  verily  thought  so  once,  induced, 
as  are  others,  by  the  abominable  misrepresentations  and 
slanders  of  those  who  knew  better. ' ' ' 

The  press,  the  pulpit,  orators  in  Congress  and  on  the 
stump  tried  to  throw  the  movement  into  discredit  and  to 
force  its  leaders  to  give  up  the  fight.  All  in  vain.  The 
more  they  were  attacked,  so  much  the  more  did  the  abo- 
litionists labor  to  spread  their  doctrines  and  to  refute  the 
arguments  of  their  opponents. 

Finding  that  the  emancipationists  were  not  to  be 
silenced  by  arguments  or  by  the  general  disapproval  of  • 

and  disunion  among  the  different  States  of  the  Confederacy.  They  have  ex- 
cited the  most  rancorous  and  embittered  feelings  in  the  same  community. 
They  have  aroused  the  turbulent  passion  of  the  monster-mob."  "Philanthro- 

Eist"  for  April  14,  1837:    Report  of  the  "Select  Committee"  appointed  jointly 
y  the  two  Houses  to  consider  the  memorial  on  abolition  societies,  presented 
by  the  States  of  Virginia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  New  York,  and  Connecticut 
1  Quoted  in  full  in  the  "Observer,"  January  5,  1837. 


UNDER  THE   CONSTITUTION   OF   1818  65 

their  principles  and  methods  manifested  by  the  public, 
the  people  in  many  places  showed  a  disposition  to  crush 
the  abolition  movement  by  an  individual  persecution  of  its 
promoters.  Mobs  first  appeared  in  1834  with  the  July 
riots  in  New  York  City,  where  the  abolition  meetings  at 
Chatham  Street  Chapel  were  broken  up  by  the  rabble, 
which  threatened  Dr.  Cox  and  Lewis  Tappan,  leading 
abolitionists,  with  ink  baths.1  Then  followed  other  per- 
secutions, in  Philadelphia,  in  Montpelier,  in  Utica,  Lock- 
port,  and  other  New  York  cities,  in  New  Hampshire,  in 
Ohio,  and  at  St.  Louis.2 

In  Cincinnati,  the  press  of  the  "Philanthropist"  was 
destroyed  by  a  mob  on  July  12,  1836,  and  again  early  in 
August  of  the  same  year.3  Notices  were  posted  at  the 
street  corners  stating  that  the  citizens  of  Cincinnati  were 
resolved  to  arrest  the  course  of  the  abolitionists,  which 
was  injuring  business,  and  that  the  breaking  of  their  press 
was  a  warning  to  them.4 

The  Southern  press  by  its  violent  criticisms,  and  the 
Southern  people  by  their  threats  and  by  the  persecution 
of  all  abolitionists  in  their  midst,  only  added  fuel  to  the 
flame.  The  "Milledgeville  (Georgia)  Federal  Union" 
printed  on  February  I,  1836,  a  notice  signed  "Many 
Citizens,"  offering  ten  thousand  dollars  reward  for  the 
delivery  to  the  Sheriff  of  Chatham  County  of  the  "person 
of  the  noted  abolitionist,  A.  A.  Phelps."6  The  Citizens 
of  Hillborough,  Georgia,  in  June,  1836,  seized  the  Rev. 
A.  W.  Kitchell  (a  native  of  New  Jersey,  and  graduate  of 

1  "Vermont  Free  Press,"  July  13,  1834. 

*  "The  Liberator,"  and  "Emancipator,"  and  "Philanthropist,"  1834-39,  and 
other  papers  of  the  time. 

3  "Philanthropist,"  July  15,  1836,  and  September  23. 

4  "Philanthropist,"  July  15,  1836.    The  "Philanthropist"  was  forced  to  dis- 
continue its  paper,  after  destruction  of  press  early  in  August,  until  September 
<J,  1836. 

5  "St.  Louis  Observer,"  April  28,  1836. 


66 

Princeton),  tarred  and  feathered  him,  and  rode  him  out 
of  town  on  a  rail,  merely  on  suspicion  that  he  was  an 
abolitionist.1  This  sort  of  persecution  and  denial  to  citi- 
zens of  their  rights  of  free  speech  and  fair  trial  was  a 
grave  error.  Instead  of  intimidating  the  abolitionists,  it 
only  made  them  the  more  bold  and  incited  them  to  more 
earnest  efforts.  In  addition,  the  very  flagrant  injustice 
of  such  proceedings  served  to  win  over  many  to  the  cause 
of  abolitionism  who  heretofore  had  been  mere  opponents 
of  slavery  on  principle.  The  "Cincinnati  Journal,"  com- 
menting on  the  case  of  the  Rev.  A.  W.  Kitchell,  said, 

"He  had  suspicious  papers Did  they  allow  him  a 

moment's  time  to  gain  witnesses  or  evidence?  No 

We  tell  the  inhabitants  of  Hillborough  plainly  that  the 
hairs  on  that  man's  head,  if  counted,  would  not  equal  the 
number  of  abolitionists  which  this  intolerable  breach  of 
private  rights  in  a  slaveholding  community  will  make."2 

The  effect  was  the  same  on  those  who  suffered  perse- 
cution because  of  their  antislavery  sympathies.  They, 
too,  could  scarcely  fail  of  being  forced  into  the  abolition 
camp  by  the  very  stress  of  circumstances  and  by  the  revul- 
sion of  feeling  against  their  persecutors  and  all  proslavery 
men.  Thus,  as  Lovejoy  said  in  KitchelFs  case,  "What- 
ever Mr.  Kitchell  may  have  been  before,  we  have  little 
doubt  that  he  is  an  abolitionist  now,  and  that  he  will  con- 
tinue such  as  long  as  he  lives."  3 

Illinois  was  not  behind  in  the  "persecution  of  the 
prophets."  There  the  word  "abolition"  was  one  "cov- 
ered over  with  shame";  and  it  was  the  exulting  boast  of 
her  people,  in  1837,  that  no  abolition  paper  would  be  per- 

1  "St.  Louis  Observer,"  July  14.  1836.  Also  "Newark  Advertiser,"  "Cin- 
cinnati Commercial  Advertiser,"  and  "Cincinnati  Journal,"  of  same  date. 

8  "Journal,"  July  1-5,  1836;  "St.  Louis  Observer,"  July  14,  1836. 

3  "St.  Louis  Observer,"  July  14,  1836.  Mr.  Lovejoy's  own  experience  and 
life  are  another  example  of  this  truth. 


UNDER  THE  CONSTITUTION   OF   1818  67 

mitted  to  flourish  on  her  soil.1  Only  one  abolition  society, 
of  sixty-five  members,  existed  in  the  State.  Even  this 
met  only  at  long  intervals  and  cannot  be  said  to  have  pros- 
pered well,  since  hardly  more  than  fifteen  new  members 
were  added  in  three  years.2  Large  masses  of  the  people, 
especially  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  State,  were 
opposed  to  any  public  discussion  of  the  subject  of  slavery. 
The  majority  preferred  that  the  whole  question  be  left 
quietly  alone,  and  thus  all  bitter  and  rancorous  feelings 
would  be  avoided  and  personal  encounters  prevented. 
Into  such  a  community  as  this  came  Mr.  Lovejoy,  with  a 
religious  newspaper,  whose  columns  were  open  to  a  free 
discussion  of  slavery  and  its  evils.  Was  it  then  not  to  be 
expected  that  the  State,  which  thirteen  years  before  had 
risen  in  the  defense  of  liberty  within  its  own  boundaries, 
would  now  ere  long  earn  the  title  of  the  "Martyr  State"? 

1  Eastman,    "The    Antislavery    Agitation   in    Illinois,"    in    Blanchard's 
"Illinois." 

2  "Philanthropist,"  July  28,  1837,  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Adams 
County  Antislavery  Society,    Also  "Alton  Observer,"  July  10,  1837. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
THE   LOVEJOY   EPISODE. 

LOVEJOY   IN    ST.    LOUIS. 

Elijah  Parish  Lovejoy  was  born  in  Albion,  Maine,  on 
November  9,  1802.  He  was  the  son  of  a  Presbyterian 
minister,  and  received  his  early  education  at  the  academies 
of  China  and  Monmouth.  In  1826  he  graduated  from 
Waterville  College  with  the  highest  honors,  and  began 
teaching  in  an  Eastern  academy. 

The  young  Lovejoy  possessed  a  remarkable  memory, 
and  as  a  student  had  distinguished  himself  by  thor- 
oughness and  proficiency  in  the  languages.  Courageous 
and  manly,  he  won  the  admiration  of  his  fellows  by  his 
skill  as  an  athlete  and  a  kindly  sympathy  manifested 
toward  all. 

In  1827  he  made  his  way  to  St.  Louis,  and  for  the 
next  two  years  supported  himself  by  teaching  and  occa- 
sional contributions  to  the  "Missouri  Republican"  and 
the  "St.  Louis  Times."  The  latter  paper  employed  Mr. 
Lovejoy  as  assistant  editor  in  August,  1830,  and  he  re- 
tained the  position  until  February,  I832.1 

St.  Louis  was  the  scene  of  a  series  of  revival  services 
in  January,  1832.  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  deeply  impressed, 
and  decided  to  enter  the  ministry.  He  graduated  from 

1  "St.  Louis  Times"  for  August  14, 1830,  when  his  name  appears  for  the  first 
time,  till  February  18,  1832.    It  was  during  this  time  that  he  wrote  some  stan- 
zas, entitled  "Mother,"  in  which  the  following  almost  prophetic  lines  appear: 
"My  mother,  1  am  far  away 

From  home  and  love  and  thee, 
And  stranger  hands  may  heap  the  clay 
That  soon  may  cover  me." 

68 


(From  a  Rare  Silhouette  Portrait) 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  69 

Princeton  Seminary  in  the  spring  of  1833,  and  in  the  fall 
was  summoned  to  St.  Louis  to  edit  a  weekly  religious 
paper,  called  the  "St.  Louis  Observer." 

The  first  issue  appeared  on  the  22d  of  November.1 
Its  editor  from  the  first  took  a  firm  stand  on  all  questions 
of  religion,  morality,  and  citizenship.  His  aim  was  to 
establish  a  thoroughly  reliable  newspaper,  devoted  not 
only  to  the  religious  interests  of  his  denomination,  but 
also  to  the  principles  of  truth,  righteousness,  honesty,  and 
sobriety.  His  opinions  were  always  given  without  hesi- 
tancy or  dissimulation,  and  when  once  his  judgment  was 
fully  formed  upon  an  issue,  he  never  faltered  in  the 
defense  of  what  seemed  right.  He  denounced  the  evils 
of  his  time  with  a  boldness  and  directness  that  often 
startled  his  contemporaries.  Although  frequently  severe 
in  criticism,  he  was  never  unnecessarily  bitter  or  unjust, 
but  preserved  a  spirit  of  mildness  and  forbearance  quite 
unusual  in  an  editor. 

From  the  beginning  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  opposed  to 
slavery  on  principle;  but  he  was  slow  in  taking  an  active 
part  in  the  discussion  of  the  subject.  -He  wished  to  feel 
certain  that  he  saw  clearly  the  right  solution  of  the  prob- 
lem.2 Colonization  schemes  for  removing  the  negroes 
seemed  to  him  utterly  visionary.  "Immediate,  uncon- 
ditional emancipation, ' '  was  most  abhorrent  to  Mr.  Love- 
joy,  because  it  "would  be  cruel  to  the  slave  himself  and 
injurious  to  the  community  at  large."  3  He  did  not  sym- 
pathize with  the  method  of  agitation  used  by  the  abolition- 

1  An  almost  complete  file  is  preserved  in  the  State  Historical  Library  at 
Springfield. 

a  In  June,  1834,  he  wrote  in  the  "Observer":  "The  subject  [slavery]  is  one 
which  has  always,  since  we  have  known  anything  of  the  South  and  South- 
west States,  been  regarded  as  exceedingly  delicate  and  difficult  of  manage- 
ment. We  feel  it  so  ....  not  because  we  fear  the  truth  and  are  unwilling 
to  perform  our  duty,  but  because  there  is  real  dirhculty  in  ascertaining  what 
that  duty  is." 

3  "St.  Louis  Observer,"  April  16,  1835. 


7°  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

ists,  and  he  feared  that  they  would  not  adhere  strictly  to 
their  platform. 

Yet  the  necessity  of  awakening  the  South  to  the  evils 
of  slavery  impressed  Mr.  Lovejoy,  and  he  began  to  advo- 
cate the  freeing  of  the  negroes  by  a  gradual  process  where 
the  emancipation  should  be  brought  about  solely  by  the 
voluntary  act  of  the  master,  "made  from  a  conviction  of 
its  propriety."  He  urged  as  a  first  step  a  reform  in  the 
religious  status  of  the  slave.1 

When  the  report  reached  St.  Louis,  in  August,  1835, 
that  the  abolitionists  were  using  the  mails  to  send  incendi- 
ary pamphlets  to  the  negroes,  and  that  petitions  were 
pouring  in  from  the  South  asking  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  prohibit  such  a  practice,  the  city  was  thrown  into 
a  furor  of  excitement.  The  newspapers  denounced  the 
abolitionists  in  the  strongest  terms.2  Mass  meetings  were 
held  and  a  "Committee  of  Vigilance"  appointed,  whose 
duty  should  be  to  preserve  absolute  silence  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery.  If  the  civil  authorities  failed  to  give  the 
committee  sufficient  support,  it  was  authorized  to  enforce 
its  own  decrees — this  meant  with  the  whip  and  the  rope.3 

Every  person  suspected  of  being  an  abolitionist  was  in 
danger  of  being  mobbed.  Threats  were  abroad  against 
the  "Observer."  Mr.  Lovejoy,  because  of  his  antislavery 
and  anticatholic  editorials,  was  a  special  object  of  attack.* 
Fortunately  he  was  out  of  the  city  at  the  time.5  His 
friends  warned  him  not  to  return;  that  his  life  was  in 

1  "St.  Louis  Observer,"  April  30,  1835. 

'See  the  "St.  Louis  Republican"  for  October  20;  compare  with  their  de- 
nunciation of  the  abolitionists  on  April  2$,  1835. 

3  "St.  Louis  Republican."  October  27,  29,  31,  and  November  2,  1835. 

*He  was  accused  of  being  an  abolitionist  and  of  circulating  abolition 
pamphlets,  although  he  had  never  even  subscribed  for  an  abolition  paper  or 
exchanged  with  one.  "Observer,"  November  5,  1835. 

6  Had  gone  to  camp-meeting  at  Potosi,  and  later  attended  the  Presbyterian 
Synod  at  Marion,  Missouri. 


7' 

danger;  and  the  publishers  of  the  "Observer"  hastened 
to  assure  the  public  that  they  were  not  issuing  an  aboli- 
tion sheet,  and  that,  while  they  were  not  responsible  for 
Mr.  Lovejoy's  editorials,  he  would  doubtless  refrain,  on 
his  return,  from  the  further  publication  of  articles  on 
slavery.1 

There  were  violent  riots  in  most  of  the  leading  cities 
of  the  North  and  South  at  this  time,  as  well  as  in  St. 
Louis.2  A  spirit  of  lawlessness  and  of  utter  disregard  for 
order  and  good  government  was  abroad  in  the  land.  Life 
and  property  were  constantly  in  danger.  It  was  a  critical 
and  anxious  time.  No  one  knew  what  a  day  or  a  week 
would  bring  forth.  People  generally  were  apprehensive 
of  the  future;  and  many  thought  the  government  was  in 
danger  of  dissolution.3  Public  welfare  and  personal 
security  demanded  immediate  action,  and  fearless  men 
were  needed  to  champion  the  cause  of  good  government 
and  freedom  of  speech.4 

Mr.  Lovejoy  met  the  issue  calmly,  thoughtfully,  fear- 
lessly. He  was  the  only  Protestant  minister  and  religious 
editor  in  the  city.  Not  a  voice  had  been  raised  against 
the  reign  of  mob  law.  Not  a  paper  had  condemned  the 
excesses  of  the  populace.  Was  the  "Observer"  to 
remain  silent  too?  Would  it  be  right  for  one  who  had 
stood  thus  far  as  a  champion  of  truth  and  righteousness 
in  the  West  to  falter — to  remain  a  quiet  spectator  of  the 
most  outrageous  violations  of  law  and  order?  Was  it 

1  Twice  they  found  this  necessary:  on  October  8  and  again  on  the  22d. 

3  See  previous  chapter;  for  further  particulars,  see  the  daily  papers  of  this 
period,  also  files  of  the  "Liberator,"  ''Emancipator,"  and  the  "Philanthropist" 
for  1835. 

3  See  the  collection  of  editorials  on  this  subject  in  the  "Observer,''  Novem- 
ber IQ,  1835. 

*Two  white  men  suspected  of  having-  assisted  some  negroes  to  escape 
were  seized  by  a  crowd  of  sixty  citizens  of  St.  Louis  during  these  days  of 
excitement  and  given  two  hundred  lashes  with  rawhides.  "Missouri  Republi- 
can," October  18-21, 1835. 


72  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

honorable  to  witness  the  introduction  of  the  "New  Code"  ' 
of  lynch  law  without  uttering  one  word  in  defense  of  the 
inalienable  rights  of  free  citizens? 

Such  was  the  problem  presented  to  Lovejoy.  He 
considered  it  seriously — prayerfully.  Not  in  the  least 
excited  or  carried  away  with  the  fanatical  enthusiasm  of 
one  desiring  the  glory  of  martyrdom,  he  viewed  the  situ- 
ation with  all  the  calmness  of  superior  strength,  and 
reached  his  conclusion  after  the  most  careful  and  thought- 
ful deliberation.  Mr.  Lovejoy's  mind  was  soon  made  up, 
his  duty  apparent.  Mob  rule  must  be  denounced  and  the 
freedom  of  the  press  defended. 

The  decision  once  reached,  nothing  could  deter  him 
from  carrying  it  out.2  He  returned  to  St.  Louis  about 
November  1st,  expecting,  as  he  says  himself,  "to  be 
lynched,  or  tarred  and  feathered,  or  may  be  hung  up. 
All  is  threatened."3 

On  November  5th  he  published  in  the  "Observer"  an 
eloquent  appeal,  entitled  "To  my  Fellow-Citizens." 
This  is  one  of  the  best  articles  ever  penned  in  defense  of 
freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press.  Few  political  docu- 
ments equal  it  in  eloquence,  in  logic,  in  beauty  of  expres- 
sion, and  in  earnestness  of  appeal.  A  spirit  of  dignity 
and  charity  pervades  it  throughout.  There  are  no  violent 
diatribes  against  leaders  or  people,  no  wild  harangues,  no 
vituperative  personal  criticisms.  The  truth  is  told  fear- 
lessly, the  arguments  presented  with  ardor  and  dignity. 

1  Such  papers  as  the  "Pittsburg  Times,"  "Salem  Landmark,"  "New  Eng- 
land Galaxy,"  "Maryville  [Tennessee]  Intelligencer,"  "Cincinnati  Gazette," 
and  "New  York  Courier  and  Inquirer,"  were  denouncing  this  tendency  to 
mob  law.  Charles  Hammond,  of  the  "Cincinnati  Gazette,"  took  as  firm  a 
stand  for  the  freedom  of  the  press  as  did  Mr.  Lovejoy 

8  He  was  detained  in  St.  Charles  a  few  days  by  illness,  but  neither  the  per- 
suasion of  his  friends  nor  the  prayers  of  his  wife  could  keep  him  from  returning 
to  St.  Louis.  His  wife — formerly  Miss  Celia  Ann  French,  of  St.  Charles — 
finally  urged  him  to  go,  since  he  considered  it  his  duty.  See  letter  to  his 
brother  in  January,  1836,  and  editorial  in  "Observer"  on  November  5,  1835. 

3  Letter  to  brother,  dated  November  2,  1835. 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  73 

The  justness  and  good  sense  of  the  people  are  appealed 
to,  with  the  utmost  confidence  as  to  the  result.  Few 
political  orators  or  writers  have  taken  a  higher  or  nobler 
stand  for  truth  and  freedom ;  and  few  have  displayed  such 
a  spirit  of  charity  toward  their  opponents.  The  justness 
of  his  arguments  and  the  moderation  of  his  language  dis- 
armed his  enemies. 

Little  space  was  given  to  the  subject  of  slavery.  Mr. 
Lovejoy  emphasized  the  fact,  however,  that  he  was  not 
an  abolitionist,  declaring  fearlessly  at  the  same  time  that 
he  was — and  would  ever  be — "an  emancipationist." 

Referring  to  the  dangers  of  mob  dictation,  he  wrote: 
"To-day  a  public  meeting  declares  that  you  shall  not  dis- 
cuss the  subject  of  slavery To-morrow  another 

meeting  decides  that  it  is  against  the  peace  of  society  that 

the  principle  of  popery  be  discussed The  next 

day  a  decree  is  issued  speaking  against  distilleries,  dram 
shops,  or  drunkenness.  And  so  on  to  the  end  of  the 
chapter.  The  truth  is,  my  fellow-citizens,  if  you  give 
ground  a  single  inch,  there  is  no  stopping-place.  I  deem 
it,  therefore,  my  duty  to  take  my  stand  upon  the  Consti- 
tution. Here  is  firm  ground;  I  feel  it  to  be  such.  And 
I  do  most  respectfully,  yet  decidedly,  declare  to  you  my 
fixed  determination  to  maintain  this  ground." 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  Lovejoy  requested  the  people  to 
respect  the  property  of  the  office  and  the  persons  of  the 
proprietors  and  printers.  For,  as  he  said,  the  latter 
had  nothing  to  say  as  to  the  matter  printed.  "I  alone 

am  answerable  and  responsible If  the  popular 

vengeance  needs  a  victim,  I  offer  myself  a  willing  sacri- 
fice." : 

This  appeal  was  unexpected  by  both  the  friends  and 

1  The  "Observer,"  November  5, 1835.    "To  my  Fellow-Citizens." 


74  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

foes  of  the  "Observer,"  and  its  effect  was  remarkable. 
The  proprietors  of  the  paper  thought  the  step  too  bold,  in 
view  of  the  excitement  of  the  time.  They  requested  Mr. 
Lovejoy  to  resign.  His  enemies  were  nonplussed,  and 
rendered  inactive  for  the  moment  by  the  fearlessness  and 
lofty  spirit  of  the  editor.  For  a  day  or  two  all  was  quiet 
in  the  city.  The  suspense  to  Lovejoy  and  his  friends  was 
terrible;  and  the  result  was  awaited  with  almost  breath- 
less anxiety. 

Slowly  the  tide  began  to  turn  in  his  favor.  Friends 
and  opponents  alike  began  to  rally  about  him.  Men  who 
had  no  sympathy  for  his  religious  or  political  views  gave 
him  their  support  for  the  sake  of  freedom  of  speech.  As 
a  defender  of  the  rights  of  free  citizenship  he  must  be 
sustained,  they  said.1  The  papers  all  over  the  country 
praised  his  firmness  and  his  defense  of  the  freedom  of  the 
press.2  Letters  came  in  rapidly  from  Illinois  and  Mis- 
souri, thanking  him  for  the  stand  he  had  taken,  and  urging 
him  to  continue  the  fight.3  "The  pressure,"  he  says, 
writing  later  to  his  brother,  "which  seemed  as  though  it 
would  crush  me  to  the  earth,  began  to  lighten.  Light 
began  to  break  in  on  the  gloomiest  day  I  have  ever  seen. 
I  cannot  think  or  write  about  it  without  my  eyes  filling 
with  tears,  for  the  deliverance  which  God  wrought  by  so 
weak  and  unworthy  an  instrument  as  I  am."  4 

By  November  IO,  the  crisis  had  passed.5  The  "Ob- 
server" was  safe,  and  freedom  of  the  press  had  triumphed. 


1  Letter  to  his  brother,  written  in  January,  1836. 

azette"  f 

he  same  date. 


"The  "Cincinnati  Journal"  and  "Cincinnati  Gazette"  for  November  10; 
also  dailies  of  New  York,  Boston,  and  Philadelphia  of  about  the 

3 The  "Observer,"  December  17  and  31,  1835. 

*  Letter  to  his  brother  in  January,  1836,  printed  in  "Memoir,"  by  his 
brothers. 

6  On  this  date  he  wrote  his  brother:  "I  do  not  think  I  shall  be  mobbed. 

....  A  reaction  has  taken  place  in  the  city The  crisis  is  now 

passed Tell  mother  there  is  no  danger — not  the  least." 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  75 

By  the  23d  all  danger  of  mob  violence  was  at  an  end,  and 
peace  and  order  were  restored  within  the  city.1 

Although  Mr.  Lovejoy  resigned  in  accordance  with  the 
request  of  the  proprietors,  he  was  almost  immediately 
reinstated  as  editor,  through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Moore, 
who  was  compelled  by  reason  of  the  temporary  financial 
embarrassment  of  the  paper  to  assume  control  of  the 
"Observer."  Accordingly  the  paper  was  reissued  on 
November  19,  only  one  regular  number  having  been  omit- 
ted. Its  editor  appealed  to  the  subscribers  and  to  the 
public  for  support;  and  he  was  well  sustained.  Letters 
of  sympathy  and  encouragement  poured  in  from  all  sides; 
and  many  new  subscriptions  were  received.  By  the  26th 
of  the  following  May  the  circulation  of  the  paper  had  so 
increased  that  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  able  to  issue  the  "Ob- 
server" in  an  enlarged  form.2 

During  this  period  no  serious  effort  was  made  to  inter- 
fere with  its  publication.3  But  in  April,  1836,  an  event 
occurred  which  filled  St.  Louis  with  excitement.  A 
negro,  named  Francis  Mclntosh,  who  had  killed  a  deputy 
sheriff  in  attempting  to  escape  from  justice,  was  burned 
to  death  by  a  mob  of  St.  Louis  citizens.  This  barbarous 
act  was  condemned  by  Mr.  Lovejoy  in  an  editorial  in  the 
issue  of  May  5.  He  made  no  reference  to  the  color  of 
the  victim,  but  warned  the  people  of  the  dangers  of  mob 
rule.  "We  must  stand  by  the  Constitution  and  laws,  or 
all  is  gone,"  he  urged.4 

1  See  letter  to  his  mother  of  this  date,  printed  in  the  "Memoir." 

*  "St.  Louis  Observer,"  December  17,  24,  31, 1835,  and  May  26,  1836. 

*  In  December  an  attempt  was  made — by  flaring  handbills  and  a  public 
meeting  at  the  Court  House — to  inaugurate  a  movement  against  Mr.  Lovejoy, 
but  it  failed  completely.    It  is  interesting  to  note  in  this  connection  that  the 
"Missouri  Republican,'    which  six  weeks  before  urged  mass  meetings  against 
the  abolitionists,  now  preaches  against  mobs  and  mass  meetings.    "Observer," 
December  10,  and  "Missouri  Republican,"  December  8,  1835. 

*  "Observer,"  May  5. 


76  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

For  this  act  of  good  citizenship  the  office  of  the  "Ob- 
server" was  entered  twice  between  May  30  and  June  6, 
and  the  press  so  damaged  that  it  was  possible  to  get  out 
only  a  diminutive  number  on  June  9.* 

At  the  trial,  in  June,  of  the  leaders  of  the  mob  which 
burned  Mclntosh,  Judge  Lawless  promulgated  the  remark- 
able doctrine  that  a  crime,  punishable  by  death  when  com- 
mitted by  an  individual,  could  be  committed  by  a  multitude 
with  impunity.2  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  absent  from  the  city 
at  the  time,3  but  in  July  he  entered  a  vigorous  protest 
against  such  a  theory,  in  an  able  editorial  headed  "The 
Charge  of  Judge  Lawless."  The  peace  and  security  of 
the  nation,  he  argued,  would  be  endangered  if  such  a 
sentiment  were  universally  accepted.4 

During  the  night  following  the  publication  of  this  edi- 
torial, a  number  of  men — possibly  twenty — broke  into  the 
office  of  the  "Observer,"  smashed  the  press  and  type, 
and  threw  the  remnants  out  of  the  windows.  This  was 
the  answer  of  the  Catholics5  and  slaveholding  "mobo- 
crats"  to  Mr.  Lovejoy 's  patriotic  appeal.  The  news- 
papers of  St.  Louis  now  openly  defended  his  conduct.6 

It  had  been  determined  some  time  before  to  remove 
the  paper  to  Alton,  Illinois,  and  public  notice  of  the  fact 
had  been  given.7  It  was  thought  that  the  "Observer" 

1  "Observer,"  June  o. 

"In  his  charge  to  the  jury  he  said:  "If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  destruction 
of  the  murderer  of  Hammond,  was  the  act  ....  of  congregated  thousands, 
seized  upon  and  impelled  by  that  mysterious  metaphysical  and  almost  electric 
frenzy  which,  in  all  ages  and  nations,  has  hurried  on  infatuated  multitudes  to 
deeds  of  death  and  destruction — then  1  say  ....  the  case  transcends  your 
jurisdiction — it  is  beyond  the  reach  of  human  law." — "Observer,"  July  21, 1836. 

3  He  was  attending  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  at 
Pittsburg. 

4  "Observer,"  July  21.    For  other  criticisms  of  this  rharge.  see  the  "Cin- 
cinnati Gazette,"  June  and  July;  "St.  Louis  Republican,"  June  and  July  23,  etc. 

"Judge  Lawless  was  an  Irish  Catholic.  L9ve;oy  refers  to  this  in  his 
editorial,  and  had  published  several  editorials  directed  against  the  power  of 
Catholicism. 

•"Missouri  Republican,"  July  23;  "Alton  Telegraph,"  July  27. 

T  "Observer,"  July  21,  1835. 


THE   LOVEJOY  EPISODE  77 

would  be  much  better  supported  and  enjoy  greater  free- 
dom in  the  expression  of  its  opinions  in  Alton  than  in  St. 
Louis.  No  attention  was  therefore  paid  to  the  action  of 
the  mob,  and  the  final  arrangements  for  the  removal  of  the 
paper  were  concluded. 

Fortunately  the  press  had  not  been  damaged  beyond 
repair.  So  it,  together  with  such  type  and  office  material 
as  the  mob  had  spared,  was  sent  by  boat  to  Alton.  They 
were  landed  on  a  Sunday  morning,  contrary  to  instructions, 
and  that  night  the  press  and  supplies  were  completely 
demolished  on  the  wharf  by  a  crowd  of  men,  supposedly 
from  St.  Louis,  and  the  pieces  thrown  into  the  river.1 

1  "The  Observer,"  Extra,  dated  August  10,  and  "Alton  Telegraph,"  July  27, 
1836.  The  people  of  Alton  disclaimed  any  knowledge  of,  or  participation  in, 
this  affair. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE    LOVEJOY   EPISODE 

(CONTINUED). 

LOVEJOY    IN    ALTON. 

In  1836-1837  Alton1  was  a  thriving  little  city  of  some 
2,500  inhabitants,  situated  on  a  cluster  of  hills  overlook- 
ing the  broad  Mississippi.  It  lay  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river,  and  about  twenty  miles  north  of  St.  Louis,  with 
which  it  competed  for  the  trade  of  the  Mississippi  and  the 
West.  Its  reputation  was  excellent,  its  future  promising, 
and  its  citizens  industrious,  enterprising,  and  benevolent. 
There  were  men  of  Southern  birth  and  sympathies  among 
her  inhabitants,  but  the  people  were  not  to  any  great 
degree  proslavery  in  their  sentiments.2 

On  July  25 — the  day  after  the  press  of  the  "Observer" 
was  thrown  into  the  river — a  well-attended  public  meeting 
was  held.  Resolutions  were  adopted,  deploring  the 
destruction  of  the  press,  promising  funds  for  a  new  one, 
guaranteeing  to  all  ample  protection  for  life  and  property, 
but  attacking  rather  fiercely  the  abolitionists  and  their 
doctrines.3 

Mr.  Lovejoy  took  occasion  at  this  meeting — and  in  a 
letter  to  the  "Alton  Telegraph,"  dated  July  27 — to  define 
his  position.  He  was  not  an  abolitionist.  Nor  was  he 
come  to  Alton  to  set  up  an  abolition  paper.  However, 

1  For  detailed  description  of  Alton  at  this  time,  see  "Illinois  in  1837,"  pub- 
lished in  that  year  by  G.S.August;  "The  Rambles  or  Travels  in  the  West," 
1837- 

,      '"Alton    Spectator,"    "Alton   Telegraph,"    "Alton    Observer,"    and    the 
""Western  Pioneer"  of  Upper  Alton,  edited  by  J.  M.  Feck,  1836-37. 

8  "Alton  Telegraph,"  July  26,  27, 1836. 

78 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  79 

he  was  opposed  to  slavery,  and  believed  it  to  be  the  duty 
of  every  man  "on  all  proper  occasions  to  raise  his  voice 
against  it,  and  by  all  proper  and  lawful  means  to  endeavor 
to  effect  its  peaceable  removal."  Further,  he  should 
always  consider  himself  free  to  "speak,  write,  or  publish 
whatever  he  pleased  on  any  subject."  l 

The  editor  of  the  "Observer"  seems  to  have  thought 
that  the  antiabolition  resolutions  of  this  meeting  were  all 
for  effect — that  there  would  be  no  serious  objection  to  a 
discussion  of  the  slavery  question.  The  assurances  of 
support  given  him  would  appear  to  confirm  this  belief. 
But  he  was  mistaken.  There  was  not  only  a  strong  feel- 
ing of  antipathy  for  abolitionism  in  Alton,  but  also  a 
decided  opposition  to  any  lively  discussion  of  the  slavery 
problem. 

The  subscription  list  and  account  books  of  the  "Ob- 
server" had  escaped  destruction,  but  ill-health  and  the 
necessity  of  procuring  a  new  press  prevented  the  reissu- 
ance  of  the  paper  until  the  8th  of  September.2  The 
publication  was  resumed  with  about  a  thousand  subscrib- 
ers, of  whom  a  hundred  had  been  secured  in  Alton  since 
the  location  of  the  office  there.  The  circulation  increased 
steadily  until  August,  1837,  when  the  number  of  subscrip- 
tions reached  two  thousand.3 

Meanwhile  the  "Observer"  was  conducted  with  the 

• 

same  fearles"  spirit  as  in  St.  Louis,  and  the  subject  of 
slavery  unceasingly  discussed.  Mr.  Lovejoy's  opinions 
were,  however,  undergoing  a  radical  change.  He  was 

1  "Alton  Telegraph,"  July  27.  Letter  to  his  brother  Joseph  dated  July  30. 
Compare  also  with  the  testimony  of  the  leading  citizens  on  this  point,  given  in 
Mr.  Tanner's  "Martyrdom  of  Lovejoy,"  page  87,  note. 

1  On  August  15  a  small  sheet  headed  "Extra"  was  gotten  out.  It  was 
printed  only  on  one  side,  and  contained  Mr.  Lovejoy's  letter  to  the  "Alton 
Telegraph"  (printed  July  27)  and  an  editorial  which  had  appeared  in  the  same 
paper  on  the  same  date. 

3  Editorial  in  "Observer,"  August  10,  1837. 


So  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

passing  from  gradual  to  immediate  emancipation.  He 
began  taking  abolition  publications  in  the  winter  of  1836- 
1837,  and  admitted  his  interest  in  them  the  following 
May,1 

The  impression  that  this  reading  was  making  upon  Mr. 
Lovejoy  was  early  evident.  In  December,  1836,  he 
wrote,  "The  slave-masters  of  the  South,  though  guilty  of 
great  cruelty,  are  not  monsters  of  inhumanity.  Far  from 
it.  The  great  majority  of  them  are  men  of  generous 
human  sentiments.  But  they  do  not  know  what  they  do. 
And  the  first  call  made  upon  them  to  emancipate  their 
slaves  sounds  very  much  in  their  ears  as  it  would  if  you 
should  demand  of  them  no  longer  to  harness  up  their 
horses  and  plow  their  fields.  The  call  must  be  reiterated, 
accompanied  with  reasons  why  it  should  be  attended  to, 
and  ere  long  it  will  prevail."2  These  words  are  moder- 
ate, but  they  contain  one  of  the  leading  principles  of  abo- 
litionism— agitation.3 

In  January  he  admits  that  the  abolitionists  are  not  so 
fanatical  and  incendiary  as  people  seem  to  believe.4  Some 
of  their  leaders  are  possibly  extremists  and  cranks,  but 
the  majority  of  antislavery  men  are  honest,  thoughtful, 
and  enlightened  citizens.  They  have  justice,  good  sense, 
and  right  on  their  side.  They,  too,  are  aiming  at  the 
extermination  of  the  evils  of  slavery.  Whose  methods 
are  the  better,  the  right  ones, — his  or  theirs? 

1  Issue  of  May  4. 

2  "Observer,"  December  i,  1836. 

3  When  the  National  Antislavery  Convention  met   at    Philadelphia   on 
December  4, 1833,  it  adopted  the  following  platform:    "We  shall  organize  anti- 
slavery  societies  if  possible  in  every  city,  town,  and  village  in  the  land.    We 
shall  send  forth  agents  to  lift  up  the  voice  of  remonstrance,  of  warning,  of 
entreaty,  and  rebuke.    We  shall  circulate  unsparingly  and  extensively  anti- 
slavery  tracts  and  periodicals.    We  shall  enlist  the  pulpit  and  the  press  in  the 
cause  of  the  suffering  and  the  dumb.    We  shall  spare  no  exertions  nor  means 
to  bring  the  whole  nation  to  speedy  repentance." 

*  "Observer,"  January  5, 1837. 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  81 

The  citizens  of  the  South  had  devised  no  scheme — were 
proposing  none — whereby  the  negroes  might  in  time  be 
freed.  Was  there  any  real  hope  that  the  South  would 
ever  undertake  such  a  task  unless  thoroughly  aroused  to 
the  dangers  and  evils  of  the  system?  Could  the  slave- 
owners be  stirred  to  vital  action  by  moderate  appeals  and 
half-baked  theories  of  gradual  emancipation?  Or  was  it 
possible  that  only  a  far-reaching  and  impressive  agitation 
upon  the  issue  of  immediate  freedom  would  startle  them 
into  a  realization  of  the  situation  and  inspire  them  with  a 
desire  to  liberate  their  servants?  Thus  the  issue  of  the 
hour  forced  itself  upon  him.  He  must  decide,  and  decide 
for  himself  alone. 

Mr.  Lovejoy  faced  the  problem  squarely,  earnestly, 
deliberately.  In  February  he  resolutely  discarded  coloni- 
zation schemes  and  gradual  emancipation  as  absolutely 
inadequate.  "As  well  might  a  lady,"  he  wrote,  "think  to 
bail  out  the  Atlantic  with  her  thimble,  as  the  Colonization 
Society  to  remove  slavery  by  colonizing  the  slaves  in 
Africa."1 

Next  he  turned  to  the  "Gospel  of  the  Son  of  God"  as 
the  real  remedy  for  the  trouble ;  but  before  long  this  was 
abandoned.  All  that  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  had 
thus  far  accomplished  was  "the  good  treatment  of  the 
slaves,"2  when  the  "very  first  step  in  this  good  treat- 
ment" ought  to  have  been — to  set  them  free.2 

The  first  sign  of  Mr.  Lovejoy's  readiness  to  adopt 
abolitionism  came  in  June.  The  secretary  of  the  National 
Antislavery  Society  wrote  the  "Observer"  for  the  names 
of  persons  willing  to  assist  in  petitioning  Congress  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  The 

1  "Observer,"  February  2,  1837. 

2  See   Mr.  Lovejoy's  comments  ("Observer,"  March  16)  on  the   Rev.  J. 
Douglass's  letter  on  this  subject  in  the  "Boston  Recorder,"  February,  1837. 


82  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

editor  approved  the  plan,  and  published  this  letter  in  the 
issue  of  June  29. l 

A  few  local  antislavery  societies  existed  at  the  time  in 
Illinois.  The  supporters  of  the  movement  seemed  to  be 
increasing  almost  daily.  Many  influential  men  were  urging 
the  formation  of  a  State  organization,2  and  the  conditions 
appeared  favorable  for  its  inauguration.  On  July  6,  Mr. 
Lovejoy  published  an  eloquent  editorial,  advocating  the 
organization  of  an  "Illinois  State  Antislavery  Society," 
and  requesting  opinions  as  to  the  best  time  and  place  for 
holding  a  convention  to  form  such  a  society. 

His  appeal  met  with  a  ready  response,  and  by  August 
it  was  generally  agreed  that  a  State  Convention  should  be 
held  in  Alton  about  November  I.8  On  August  15  the 
Madison  County  Antislavery  Society  extended  an  invita- 
tion to  the  State  Antislavery  Convention  to  meet  in  Upper 
Alton  on  October  26,  i837-4 

Thus  Mr.  Lovejoy  took  his  stand  in  the  front  ranks  of 
abolitionism.  He  never  regretted  the  step;  never 
faltered;  never  looked  back;  but  fought  valiantly  and 
fearlessly  for  the  cause  as  long  as  he  lived. 

His  antislavery  editorials  had  already  brought  him  into 
disfavor,  and  stirred  up  in  Alton  a  strong  sentiment  of 
opposition  to  the  "Observer."  Since  the  spring  all  sorts 
of  slanderous  stories  had  been  circulated  about  him.5 
His  principles  were  so  misrepresented  and  his  character 
so  maligned  that  many  were  led  to  believe  the  editor  of 
the  "Observer"  a  dangerous  citizen,  a  fanatic,  and  an 

1  "Observer,"  June  29,  "The  United  States  Government  has  no  right  to 
interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States,  but  it  can  and  ought  to  forbid  it  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,"  he  wrote. 

"Testimony  of  Dr.  Beecher  in  the  "Alton  Riots,"  page  20. 

*  "Observer,"  July  10,  August  17,  1837. 

*  "Observer,"  August  17. 

5  It  was  reported  that  he  had  said,  if  his  wife  died  on  Sunday,  he  would 
marry  a  negress  before  the  next  Saturday  night.  "Memoirs,"  page  212. 


THE   LOVEJOY  EPISODE  83 

incendiary.  Now  that  he  was  beginning  to  associate  him- 
self openly  with  abolitionism,  the  opposition  grew  more 
outspoken  and  more  direct  in  its  attacks. 

On  July  8  a  mass  meeting l — attended  chiefly  by  those 
interested  in  silencing  Mr.  Lovejoy — was  held  in  the 
Market  House,  where  the  opinion  was  expressed,  that  the 
antislavery  articles  in  the  "Observer"  were  causing  undue 
excitement  in  the  city.  Resolutions  were  passed  censur- 
ing the  editor  for  allowing  the  subject  to  be  discussed  in 
his  paper,  and  averring  that  he  was  violating  a  sacred 
pledge  in  mentioning  the  topic  of  immediate  abolition.  A 
committee  of  five  was  delegated  to  wait  upon  Mr.  Love- 
joy  and  to  ascertain  what  he  proposed  to  do  in  the  matter.2 

Nothing  came  of  it  until  after  the  appearance  of  Mr. 
Lovejoy's  second  important  abolition  editorial,  entitled 
"What  Are  the  Doctrines  of  Antislavery  Men?"3  This 
was  a  clear,  moderate,  and  unimpassioned  exposition  of 
the  main  principles  of  abolitionism.  Its  keynote  was  a 
call  for  the  immediate  emancipation  of  the  negroes  by 
their  masters  in  such  a  manner  as  the  slaveholders  them- 
selves should  select.  Its  author  had  no  thought  of  excit- 
ing discord  and  anarchy  in  Alton.4  His  object  was  simply 
to  place  the  doctrines  before  the  public  in  their  true  pro- 
portions, and  to  awaken  interest  in  the  abolition  movement 
about  to  be  inaugurated  in  that  district. 

The  committee  of  five  at  once  wrote  Mr.  Lovejoy, 
inclosing  a  copy  of  the  resolutions  adopted  at  the  mass 
meeting  of  July  1 1 .  He  replied  in  a  dignified  and  respect- 


Called  by  printed  handbills.    "Memoirs,"  page  206. 

j  "Missouri 
14,  and  August  16. 


'Official  report  of  the  proceedings  in  the  "Missouri  Argus"  of  St.  Louis, 
July  18,  1837;  also  "Alton  Telegraph,  July  12,  14,  and  August  16. 

3  "Observer,"  July  20. 

*0n  the  contrary,  he  assured  his  readers  that  he  "trembled  lest  through 
any  inadvertence  of  language  we  should  make  ourselves  liable  to  be  misunder- 
stood, and  thus  repel  the  minds  of  those  we  wish  to  gain." 


^4  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

ful  epistle,1  denying  the  right  of  a  public  meeting  to  dictate 
what  sentiments  should  or  should  not  be  discussed  in  a 
duly  authorized  newspaper. 

No  reference  was  made  to  the  question  of  a  "pledge 
of  silence"  concerning  abolition  doctrines.  This  was  a 
grave  mistake.  Mr.  Lovejoy  had  never  dreamed  of 
making  any  such  promise.  Nor  had  he  thought  it  pos- 
sible that  his  words  could  be  so  misconstrued.  He  ought 
at  this  time  to  have  had  his  speech  and  letter  of  the  previ- 
ous year  reprinted,  and  to  have  shown  the  public  just 
where  he  stood  in  the  matter. 

His  brothers  have  assured  us  that  he  intended  to  deny 
the  charge  of  having  broken  his  pledge,  but  his  friends 
persuaded  him  not  to  mention  the  subject.2  If  so,  the 
friends  were  at  fault,  and  did  him  deadly  injury.  His 
silence  was  construed  by  many  as  a  tacit  acknowledgment 
of  the  truth  of  the  accusation.  And  the  report,  whether 
true  or  untrue,  became  an  effective  weapon  in  the  hands 
of  his  enemies,  and  did  irreparable  injury  to  the  reputa- 
tion of  a  man  already  unpopular.3 

The  antiabolition  leaders  were  determined  to  silence 
the  editor  of  the  "Observer,"  or  to  drive  him  out  of  the 
city.  It  was  thought  that  threats  alone  would  suffice. 
Late  on  the  night  of  August  21,  as  Mr.  Lovejoy  was 
hurrying  into  Alton  after  medicine  for  his  wife,  he  was 
surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  men  and  threatened  with  a  coat 
of  tar  and  feathers  if  he  would  not  promise  to  leave  town 
or  to  keep  silent  on  the  question  of  slavery. 

1  Printed  in  the  "Alton  Telegraph,"  August  16. 
"  "Memoirs,"  page  220. 

3  Mr.  Lovejoy  did  finally  send  a  letter  denying  this  charge  to  the  "Missouri 
Republican"  of  St.  Louis,  dated  August  26,  published  September  i,  but  he  was 
not  believed.     The  editor  of  the  "Missouri  Republican"  commented  on  the  » 
^letter  (issue  of  September  i),  as  follows:    "In  spite  of  all  we  do  believe  that  he 
"violated  his  promises  to  the  citizens  of  Alton  on  the  subject  of  slavery,"  and  he 
Us  "certain  that  but  one  opinion  prevails  in  the  community  on  the  subject." 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  85 

The  editor  made  no  resistance,  declaring  firmly  they 
might  do  with  him  as  they  liked,  but  he  would  make  no 
such  promise.  Nonplussed  by  this  brave  stand,  and  not 
wishing  as  yet  to  attempt  personal  violence,  the  leaders 
allowed  him  to  proceed  on  his  way  unharmed.  But  they 
led  their  men  to  the  office  of  the  "Observer,"  and  pro- 
ceeded to  destroy  the  press.1 

Many  people  now  believed  that  Mr.  Lovejoy  and  his 
friends  would  give  up  the  attempt  to  maintain  a  paper  in 
Alton.  "You  may  confidently  assure  our  friends  and  the 
public,"  wrote  the  Alton  correspondent  of  the  "Missouri 
Republican,"  "that  abolitionism  is  now  at  an  end  in 
Alton."2  The  gentleman  was  wrong.  Abolitionism  did 
not  die  so  easily.  Nothing  made  it  flourish  as  v/ell  as 
persecution  of  this  sort. 

The  friends  and  supporter  of  the  paper  met  immedi- 
ately and  voted  unanimously  to  reestablish  the  "Ob- 
server." 3  An  appeal  was  issued  at  once  to  the  subscribers 
and  the  general  public.*  No  mention  was  made  of  slav- 
ery, but  funds  were  solicited  for  a  new  press,  in  order  that 
freedom  of  speech  might  be  sustained  in  Illinois.  A 
hearty  response  followed.  Money  and  subscriptions  came 
in  so  rapidly  that  Mr.  Lovejoy's  brother  was  able  to  pur- 
chase another  press  in  Cincinnati  and  return  with  it  by 
September  2  \ . 

The  report  that  a  second  press  had  been  ordered  in- 

1  For  particulars,  see  "The  Philanthropist,"  September  8,  letter  from  Love- 
joy;  "The  Philanthropist,"  September  22,  letter  from  special  correspondent; 
"Alton  Telegraph,"  August  23;  "Missouri  Republican,"  August  24,  September 
i;  Lovejoy's  letter  to  his  mother,  dated  September  5,  in  the  "Memoirs";  Auto- 
biography of  G.  M.  T.  Davis. 

2  "Missouri  Republican,"  August  25,  1837. 

3  "Memoirs,"  page  244. 

*  Printed  in  the  "Philanthropist"  at  Cincinnati,  September  8.  Fifteen 
hundred  dollars  was  needed,  and  all  interested  in  helping  were  asked  to  let  the 
editor  know  immediately.  See  also  Mr.  Lovejoy's  letter  to  the  "Philanthro- 
pist," August  24. 


36  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

creased  the  excitement  in  Alton.  The  animosity  displayed 
toward  Mr.  Lovejoy  grew  more  pronounced;  his  ene- 
mies more  active.  On  the  other  hand,  his  friends 
lost  heart,  and  were  divided  by  differences  of  opinion. 
Some  thought  it  unwise  to  maintain  a  contest  which 
involved  a  continued  loss  of  presses  and  property.  Others 
were  convinced  that  the  "Observer"  ought  to  leave  the 
subject  of  slavery  alone  and  keep  to  religious  questions. 
Still  others  were  of  the  opinion  that  the  whole  matter 
would  easily  be  settled  if  Mr.  Lovejoy  resigned  the 
editorship. 

No  hesitation  was  shown  by  Mr.  Lovejoy.  He  wrote 
the  proprietors  of  the  paper  offering  to  resign  or  to  con- 
tinue the  fight  as  the  majority  of  the  Presbyterian  breth- 
ren should  direct.  A  series  of  meetings  were  held.  It 
was  at  length  decided  unanimously  that  the  "Observer" 
must  be  maintained  in  Alton,  but  no  action  was  taken 
with  regard  to  the  editorship.1  This  was  interpreted  by 
Mr.  Lovejoy  as  a  tacit  consent  to  his  continuance  in 
office.  Thus  the  abolitionists  avoided  the  responsibility 
of  immediate  action  at  a  time  when  prompt  decision  and 
strenuous  effort  were  imperative.  They  do  not  seem  to 
have  fully  comprehended  either  the  seriousness  of  the 
situation,  or  the  resolute  determination  of  the  enemies  of 
free  discussion. 

Even  the  destruction  of  the  second  press,  on  Septem- 
ber 21,  immediately  after  it  had  been  landed  on  the  wharf,2 
did  not  arouse  the  friends  of  the  "Observer"  to  the 
alarming  state  of  affairs.  They  went  on  quietly  with  the 
preparations  for  the  approaching  antislavery  convention, 
as  if  nothing  had  happened.  On  September  27,  a  sum- 

1  "Memoirs,"  page  250. 

8  "Alton  Telegraph,"  September  27;  "Missouri  Republican,"  September  22; 
letter  from  Mr.  Lovejoy  to  the  "Philanthropist,"  in  issue  of  October  17. 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  §7 

mons,  signed  by  242  persons,  was  issued  for  an  antislavery 
State  convention  to  be  held  at  Upper  Alton  on  October 
26. l  At  first  the  invitation  was  limited  to  those  persons 
who  thought  slavery  a  sin  and  desired  its  immediate  abo- 
lition,2 but  through  the  efforts  of  Dr.  Edward  Beecher, 
of  Illinois  College,  this  was  extended  on  October  1 8  to 
include  all  the  "friends  of  free  discussion."3  It  was 
hoped  by  thus  broadening  the  invitation  that  many  influ- 
ential residents  of  the  State  who  were  not  abolitionists 
would  be  induced  to  attend  and  take  part  in  the  discus- 
sions. 

It  did  not  work  in  the  manner  expected.  On  the 
contrary,  a  large  number  of  antiabolition  men  attended 
the  meeting  under  the  pretense  of  being  "friends  of  free 
discussion,"  carried  things  all  their  own  way,  and  ad- 
journed the  convention  after  a  two  days'  session  without 
anything  of  importance  being  accomplished.4 

However,  on  Saturday,  October  28,  the  antislavery 
men  managed  to  assemble  by  themselves  at  the  home  of 
the  Rev.  T.  B.  Hurlburt,  in  Upper  Alton.  Here  unmo- 
lested, they  organized  a  "State  Antislavery  Society" 
numbering  fifty-five  members,  and  passed  resolutions  to 
the  effect  that  the  "Observer"  ought  to  be  reestablished 
at  Alton  with  its  present  editor.  A  new  press  was  ordered, 
and  the  friends  of  the  "Observer"  began  to  talk  of  organ- 
izing a  company  of  militia  to  protect  it  on  its  arrival. 

Mr.  Krum,  the  Mayor,  promised  to  do  all  he  could  to 
preserve  order,  but  he  possessed  no  police  force  adequate 

1  See  the  little  pamphlet  "Proceedings  of  the  Illinois  Antislavery  Conven- 
tion, held  at  Upper  Alton,  on  the  a6th-28th  October,  1837,"  published  1838. 

a  "Alton  Riots,"  page  24,  and  the  above  note,  No.  i. 

3  "Alton  Telegraph,"  October  18, 1837. 

*For  particulars,  see  "The  Proceedings,"  mentioned  in  note  No.  i;  "Alton 
Telegraph,"  November  i,  1837;  "Alton  Kiots,"  pages  26-30,  etc.;  "Memoirs," 
and  note  by  Dr.  Willard  at  back  of  Tanner's  "Martyrdom  of  Lovejoy." 


88  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

to  meet  the  emergency.  The  newspapers  urged  the  citi- 
zens to  respect  the  laws  and  maintain  order.  Yet  little 
real  effort  was  made  to  restore  peace  in  the  city.1 

The  persecution  of  Mr.  Lovejoy  continued.2  On 
October  I,  the  house  where  he  was  visiting  in  St.  Charles, 
Missouri,  was  attacked  by  a  mob  led  by  citizens  of  Alton. 
But  for  the  bravery  of  his  wife  and  the  assistance  of  a 
friend,  Mr.  Campbell,  he  would  have  been  lynched  or 
tarred  and  feathered.  Finally  he  escaped  from  the  rear 
of  the  house  and  found  refuge  at  the  home  of  a  friend  in 
the  suburbs.3 

On  another  occasion  he  narrowly  escaped  being  mobbed, 
because  the  gang  of  men  lying  in  wait  failed  to  recognize 
him  in  the  cap  he  wore  in  place  of  the  usual  wide-brimmed 
white  hat.4  The  windows  of  his  house  in  Upper  Alton 
were  shattered  with  stones.  Threats  against  his  life  were 
heard  abroad,  and  it  became  unsafe  for  him  to  appear  on 
the  streets.  His  brothers  and  intimate  friends  took  turns 
sleeping  in  his  house  with  weapons  at  their  sides  to  pro- 
tect him. 

When  it  was  known  that  the  supporters  of  the  "Ob- 
server" were  expecting  another  press  (the  third),  the 
excitement  became  intense.  Leading  citizens  recognized 
that  the  time  for  immediate  action  had  come,  and  two 
public  meetings  were  held,  on  November  2  and  3,  in  the 
vain  hope  that  some  plan  might  be  devised  whereby  order 
should  be  restored  in  the  city  before  any  violence  to  per- 
sons or  property  had  been  perpetrated. 

The  friends  of  the  "Observer"  insisted  in  the  name  of 

1  Lovejoy's  letter  of  November  6  to  the  "Philanthropist,"  printed  in  that 
paper  on  November  28. 

'The  "Missouri  Republican"  approved  it  and  urged  it  on.  See  issue  of 
September  22,  etc. 

3  Letter  of  Mr.  Lovejoy  in  "Alton  Telegraph,"  October  4,  1837. 

*"Life  of  Enoch  Long,"  page  93, 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  89 

the  freedom  of  the  press  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  city 
and  the  citizens  to  give  Mr.  Lovejoy  ample  protection  for 
his  person  and  property.  The  antiabolitionists,  on  the 
other  hand,  claimed  that  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  har- 
mony, Mr.  Lovejoy  ought  to  resign  his  position  as  editor 
and  leave  the  town.  Neither  party  made  any  attempt  to 
meet  the  other  halfway.  The  abolitionists  never  even 
thought  of  making  concessions,  and  their  opponents, 
although  they  suggested  the  necessity  of  compromise, 
took  no  step  in  that  direction  themselves.1 

Mr.  Lovejoy  was  present,  and  at  the  second  session 
made  a  brilliant  speech  in  defense  of  his  position  and  the 
right  to  freedom  of  speech.  He  said  he  would  willingly 
resign  at  the  request  of  the  subscribers  of  the  "Observer," 
but  never  at  the  demand  of  a  mob.  He  asked  why  he 
was  so  persecuted,  and  why  they  had  not  brought  him 
before  the  courts,  if  he  was  deserving  of  punishment. 
Would  the  course  they  were  pursuing,  he  demanded  almost 
prophetically,  stand  the  scrutiny  of  the  nation?  of  poster- 
ity? Above  all,  of  the  judgment  day?  "Pause,  I  beseech 
you,  and  reflect.  The  present  excitement  will  soon  be 
over,  the  voice  of  conscience  will  at  last  be  heard,  and  in 
some  season  of  honest  thought,  even  in  this  world,  as  you 
review  the  scenes  of  this  hour,  you  will  be  compelled  to 
say,  'He  was  right;  he  was  right.'  "  2 

All  in  vain.  The  meeting  adjourned  without , taking 
action,  other  than  the  passage  of  certain  partisan  resolu- 
tions. These  were  directed  against  Mr.  Lovejoy  and  the 
"Observer,"  and  show  the  determined  spirit  of  the  anti- 

1  See  official  proceedings  of  these  meetings,  published  in  the  "Alton  Tele- 
graph," November  8,  1837;  also  Mr.  Beecher  s  version  in  the  "Alton  Riots," 
pages  52-62  and  following;  "Memoirs"  by  brothers,  pages  270-280. 

*  "Alton  Riots,"  pages  85-91.  This  is  the  only  complete  report  of  Mr. 
Lovejoy's  Speech.  He  wrote  it  out  at  the  close  of  the  meeting  to  please 
Mr.  Beecher. 


90  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

abolitionists.  No  discussion  of  slavery  would  be  permit- 
ted. It  made  no  difference  what  editor,  or  what  paper, 
dared  attempt  it.1  All  hope  of  compromise  was  now 
past.  Nothing  could  be  expected  further  from  public 
conferences.  The  only  remaining  alternatives  were,  a 
resort  to  force,  or  the  voluntary  withdrawal  from  town 
of  one  of  the  contending  factions. 

Mr.  Lovejoy,  wearied  by  the  unrelenting  persecution 
to  which  he  was  subjected,  became  alarmed  for  the  safety 
of  his  family.  He  saw  the  folly  of  attempting  to  maintain 
the  "Observer"  in  Alton,  where  no  effective  police  pro- 
tection could  be  secured.  Moved  by  a  sincere  desire  to 
see  order  restored  and  the  paper  continued,  he  determined 
to  sacrifice  himself  and  make  a  public  resignation.  Ac- 
cordingly he  handed  to  Mr.  Bailhache,  editor  of  the 
"Alton  Telegraph,"  for  publication  in  that  paper,  a  note 
in  which  he  signified  his  intention  of  severing  his  connec- 
tion with  the  "Observer."  Before  the  letter  could  be 
set  up,  one  of  Mr.  Lovejoy's  intimate  abolition  friends 
came  into  the  office  and  asked  leave  to  borrow  the  note. 
The  friends  of  the  editor,  he  said,  wished  to  see  it  before 
it  was  printed.  It  never  again  appeared.  Thus  an  easy 
solution  of  the  problem  was  prevented,  and  Mr.  Lovejoy 
forced  to  continue  the  contest.2 

The  friends  of  the  "Observer"  were  united  in  the  con- 
viction that  the  paper  ought  to  be  reestablished,  with  Mr. 
Lovejoy  as  editor,  but  divided  in  opinion  as  to  where  it 

1  One  of  the  resolutions  said  that  "the  citizens  could  not  recommend  the 
reestablishment  of  the  'Observer'  or  any  other  paper  of  a  similar  character  and 
conducted  with  a  like  spirit." — "Alton  Telegraph,"  November  8,  1837.  Mr. 
Linder  testified  in  the  Alton  Trials  that  "it  was  not  Mr.  Lovejoy  against  whom 
they  ob  ected  but  his  principles;  and  that  if  any  man,  even  Daniel  Webster, 
Henry  Clay,  or  Andrew  Jackson,  should  come  there  to  discuss  them,  it  would 
make  no  difference."  "Alton  Riots,"  page  94. 

1  Editorial  in  the  "Alton  Telegraph,"  June  28,  1845;  Mr.  Bailhache  was 
still  editor.  Also  an  article  by  Thomas  Dimmock  in  the  "Missouri  Republic," 
July  23,  1871,  entitled  "Lovejoy."  Mr.  Dimmock  names  the  Rev.  F.  VV.  Graves 
as  the  person  who  called  for  Mr.  Lovejoy's  note. 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  91 

should  be  set  up.  Some  thought  it  ought  at  any  cost  to 
be  maintained  in  Alton.  Others — more  prudent — wished 
to  remove  it  to  some  other  place.  At  first  it  was  pro- 
posed to  deposit  the  press  secretly  at  some  landing  on  the 
river  below  Alton,  where  it  could  be  kept  hid  until  the 
excitement  was  over.  Owing  to  bad  weather  and  the  delay 
in  getting  it  up  from  Cincinnati,  this  plan  was  unfortu- 
nately abandoned.  It  was  decided  to  let  the  printing 
machine  come  on  to  Alton,  but  arrangements  were  made 
for  landing  it  at  night  and  storing  it  away  secretly.  It 
was  hoped  that  its  existence  in  the  city  would  remain 
unknown  till  the  supporters  of  the  "Observer"  should 
determine  where  to  set  it  up.1 

In  addition  an  effort  was  made  to  insure  the  safety  of 
the  press.  The  Mayor  could  furnish  but  one  or  two  con- 
stables. So,  with  his  approval,2  a  volunteer  citizens' 
guard  numbering  about  forty  men  was  organized  and 
drilled  on  November  5.  Mr.  William  Harned  was  chosen 
captain,  and  a  special  number  were  detailed  to  watch  for 
the  printing-press. 

About  two  o'clock  Tuesday  morning,  the  6th,  the 
steamer  "Missouri  Fulton,"  arrived,  and  in  the  presence 
of  the  Mayor,  the  press  was  safely  landed  and  carried  to 
the  store  of  Godfrey,  Gilman  &  Co.  No  one  appeared  to 
molest  the  work.  Those  present  were  elated  with  the 
complete  success  of  the  manoeuvre,  and  believed  that  the 
worst  was  o\er. 

The  following  day  the  presence  of  the  press  in  the  city 
became  known,  and  ere  long  it  was  reported  that  an 
attempt  to  break  into  the  store  would  be  made  that  night. 

1  Collection  of  articles  and  testimonials  of  persons  who  shared  in  the 
events  of  November  2-7,  printed  in  the  "Observer,"  December  28,  1837. 

8  Letter  of  the  Mayor  in  the  "Alton  Telegraph/'  November  15,  and  his 
testimony  in  the  Alton  Trials.  "Alton  Trials,"  by  Lincoln,  pages  38-9. 


92  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

At  first  the  antislavery  men — or  as  they  preferred  to  call 
themselves,  "the  friends  of  good  order" — gave  little  credit 
to  the  report.  As  the  day  advanced,  however,  their  fears 
increased,  and  when  evening  came,  a  guard  of  twenty  men 
was  stationed  in  the  store.1 

About  seven  o'clock  definite  information  was  received 
by  Mr.  Gilman  that  a  mob  was  collecting  and  would  soon 
make  a  determined  effort  to  secure  the  press.  Prepara- 
tions were  immediately  put  under  way  for  the  defense. 
Mr.  Tanner,  with  eight  men,  was  given  charge  of  the 
ground  floor,  and  the  remainder  of  the  men  were  stationed 
on  the  second  and  third  stories  under  the  command  of 
Enoch  Long.  It  was  agreed  to  act  merely  on  the 
defensive  and  to  use  firearms  only  in  case  of  extreme 
necessity.2 

The  defenders  now  awaited  in  anxious  expectancy  the 
appearance  of  the  mob.  They  felt  reasonably  secure. 
The  building  was  a  three-story  stone  structure  extend- 
ing through  the  whole  block  from  the  river-landing 
to  Second  Street.  The  lots  on  both  sides  were  vacant, 
so  that  the  warehouse  could  easily  be  assailed  from  all 
sides.  The  only  vulnerable  points,  however,  were  the 
doors  and  windows  at  the  front  and  rear,  and  the  wooden 
roof.  The  doors  were  quite  strong,  but  the  windows 
were  without  shutters.  Not  anticipating  serious  trouble, 
the  "friends  of  good  order"  had  made  no  preparations  to 
withstand  a  siege.  They  had  no  food,  and  only  a  limited 
supply  of  ammunition. 

1  "List  of  men  in  building"  that  night,  presented  by  Mr.  H.  Tanner  to  the 
Alton  Historical  Society.  Testimony  of  Keating,  H.  W.  West  and  others 
in  the  "Alton  Riot  Trials";  Thos.  Dimmock's  Speech  on  Lovejoy,  and 
"Memoirs"  of  brothers,  page  283.  Mr.  Lovejoy's  brothers  assure  us  that  only 
three  or  four  of  them  were  abolitionists,  while  the  rest  were  citizens  who  were 
interested  in  preserving  good  order. 

*  Lecture  on  "Early  Reminiscences  of  Alton,"  by  loseph  Brown.  Mr. 
Brown  was  a  boy  at  the  time,  and  present  in  the  store  on  the  night  of  November 
7.  Later  became  Mayor  of  Alton. 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  93 

About  ten  o'clock  a  crowd  of  men,1  armed  with  pistols, 
clubs,  and  stones  appeared  at  the  south  end  of  the  store 
and  demanded  the  press.  Mr.  Oilman  addressed  the  mob 
from  a  third-story  window,  urging  the  men  to  disperse 
peaceably  to  their  homes,  and  refusing  to  give  up  the 
press.  The  crowd  then  passed  around  to  the  other  end 
of  the  building  and  demolished  the  windows  with  a  volley 
of  stones.  They  next  procured  a  piece  of  timber  and 
prepared  to  break  in  the  door.  In  order  to  frighten  the 
defenders  back  from  the  windows  above  before  the  rush 
on  the  door  was  made,  a  few  shots  were  fired  into  the 
warehouse.  No  one  within  was  injured.  The  attack  on 
the  door  began,  and  that  instant  Captain  Long  ordered 
the  defenders  to  fire.  Lyman  Bishop,2  who  was  helping 
to  carry  the  timber,  was  shot  and  mortally  wounded.  He 
was  carried  to  the  office  of  Dr.  Hart,  where  he  died  soon 
after,  and  the  mob  retired  for  a  time. 

Its  leaders  raised  their  spirits  in  the  grog-shops  and  soon 
returned,  brandishing  their  weapons  and  shouting,  they'd 
"like  to  kill  every  d — d  abolitionist  in  town."  Their  follow- 
ers had  increased  in  numbers,  and  they  were  better  armed. 

Meanwhile  the  church  bells  had  been  rung,  a  great 
crowd  of  curious  spectators  had  assembled,  and  the  Mayor 
had  arrived.  He  tried  to  persuade  the  multitude  to  dis- 
perse. Failing  in  this,  Mr.  Krum  entered  the  store  and 
endeavored  to  induce  the  besieged  to  compromise  with  the 
mob.  Not  succeeding  here  either,  he  withdrew  from  the 
building  and  announced  to  the  crowd  that  the  defenders 
of  the  press  were  determined  not  to  yield. 

Immediately  the  excited  throng  rushed  again  to  the 
assault,  shouting,  "Fire  the  house!"  "Burn  'em  out!" 

1  The  Mayor  gives  the  number  as  20  to  30. 

•  He  was  a  young  carpenter  who  had  come  to  Alton  from  New  York  State 
just  a  few  days  previously. 


94  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

They  passed  around  to  the  east  side,  where  there  were  no 
windows,  and  placed  a  ladder  against  the  wall.  Before 
they  could  mount  five  of  the  besieged  volunteered  to  gain 
control  of  the  ladder.  Among  them  was  Mr.  Lovejoy. 
They  rushed  out  from  the  south  door,  fired  a  volley,  fright- 
ened the  men  away  from  the  ladder,  and  returned  to  load. 

In  a  few  moments  Mr.  Lovejoy  and  several  others 
stepped  outside  to  reconnoitre.  It  was  a  moonlight  night. 
They  could  see  plainly  and  were  themselves  exposed  to 
view.  Just  at  that  moment  some  one  behind  a  pile  of 
lumber  in  the  lot  fired  upon  them,  mortally  wounding  Mr. 
Lovejoy  and  slightly  injuring  Mr.  Weller.  Mr.  Lovejoy 
ran  into  the  warehouse,  where  he  fell,  exclaiming,  "I  am 
shot,"  and  expired  almost  immediately.1 

Mr.  Harned  then  informed  the  mob  of  Mr.  Lovejoy's 
death,  and  offered  to  surrender  the  press,  if  those  inside 
were  allowed  to  retreat  in  safety.  Receiving  no  definite 
answer,  the  besieged  decided  to  make  a  dash  from  the 
rear  door  along  the  river  front.  Some  shots  were  fired 
at  them,  but  they  effected  their  escape  unharmed,  leaving 
behind  the  dead  and  wounded.  Meanwhile  some  inter- 
ested spectators  extinguished  the  fire  on  the  roof,  and  the 
mob  broke  into  the  warehouse.  The  press  was  thrown 
out  onto  the  landing,  smashed  as  much  as  possible,  and 
tossed  into  the  river.2 

The  next  day  a  few  friends  removed  the  body  of  Mr. 

1  "Memoirs,"  pages  289  and  290. 

*  The  battered  press  lay  in  the  river  till  1858,  when  W.  R.  Mead  bought 
the  "find"  for  $35,  and  removed  it  to  Iowa.  From  1858  to  1870  it  was  used  to 
print  the  "Cresco  Plain  Dealer,"  at  New  Oregon,  Howard  County,  Iowa.  Then 
George  E.  Frost  bought  it  for  $100  and  printed  the  "Clear  Lake  Observer" 
on  it  till  about  1876,  when  it  was  again  sold  to  F.  A.  Gates,  editor  of  the 
"Belmont  Herald."  For  about  twenty  years  it  remained  in  service  at  Belmont, 
Iowa,  and  was  then  S9ld  to  Mr.  C.  F.  Gunther,  of  Chicago,  who  exhibited  it  in 
"Libby  Prison,"  and  in  whose  possession  it  now  remains. 

Testimony  of  Mr.  Frost  in  "Clear  Lake  Observer,"  December,  1876;  "Bel- 
mont Herald,"  December  15,  1876;  E.  A.  Pierce,  present  editor  of  "Belmont 
Herald,"  in  personal  note;  and  C.  F.  Gunther. 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  95 

Lovejoy  to  his  home.  Vulgar  jests  and  sneers  were  hurled 
at  the  little  company  as  they  moved  along  the  streets. 
There  was  no  inquest,  and  he  was  buried  on  November  9 
without  ceremony — other  than  a  prayer  at  the  grave  by 
the  Rev.  Thomas  Lippencott,  his  father-in-law.1 

It  has  never  been  proved  who  shot  Mr.  Lovejoy.2  On 
Friday,  January  19,  1838,  a  number  of  the  chief  partici- 
pants in  the  events  of  November  7  were  arraigned  before 
the  Court;  but  they  were  all  unanimously  acquitted  on 
the  ground  that  the  evidence  presented  was  not  sufficient 
to  prove  that  those  persons  mentioned  in  the  indictment 
had  taken  part  in  the  riot  or  in  the  destruction  of  the 
press.  The  testimonies  given  clearly  show,  however, 
that  each  of  the  individuals  on  trial  had  been  present,  and 
that  most  of  them  had  had  weapons  of  some  sort  in  their 
hands.3  The  counsel  for  the  defense  was  Mr.  U.  F. 
Linder,  State's  Attorney,  and  one  of  the  men  who  had 
spoken  strongly  against  Mr.  Lovejoy  in  the  meetings  of 
November  2  and  3. 

The  character  of  this  defense  of  the  rioters,  the  refusal 
of  the  citizens  to  give  the  protection  requested  by  the 
friends  of  the  "Observer,"  and  the  fact  that  the  jury 
returned  a  verdict  of  "not  guilty"  within  fifteen  minutes, 
all  go  to  prove  that  the  Alton  public  not  only  wished  to 
protect  the  participants  in  the  riot,  but  also  applauded 
their  deeds  of  the  night  of  November  7. 

In  fact,  in  Alton  and  its  immediate  vicinity  public 
sentiment  decried  Lovejoy  and  laid  the  blame  of  the  ex- 

1  For  particulars  of  the  events  of  November  7,  see  letter  of  Mayor,  "Alton 
Telegraph,"  November  15, 1837;  letter  signed  "W,"  "Cincinnati  Journal,"  No- 
vember 8;  "Missouri  Argus,"  November  18;  "Missouri  Republican,"  November 
10;  "Alton  Telegraph,"  November  8,  15,  2q;  "Alton  Observer,"  December  28, 
1837;  testimonies  in  the  "Alton  Riot  Trials,"  "Memoirs,"  "Alton  Riots, "  etc. 

*  Dr.  Samuel  Willard  says  that  J.  M.  Rock  was  the  person  who  did  the 
shooting.  See  Appendix  to  Tanner's  "Martyrdom  of  Lovejoy." 

3  "Notes  on  the  Alton  Trials,"  by  Lincoln,  published  1838. 


96  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

citement  and  the  riot  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  abolition- 
ists and  of  Mr.  Lovejoy  himself, l  but  throughout  the 
nation  generally  the  action  of  the  rioters  was  condemned 
and  Lovejoy's  death  laid  at  their  door. 

The  press  of  the  North  was  almost  unanimous — non- 
abolition  as  well  as  abolition — in  its  support  of  Mr.  Love- 
joy  and  his  conduct.2  The  abolitionists  naturally  claimed 
him  as  a  martyr  to  their  own  cause.3  The  other  papers — 
even  those  like  the  "Peoria  Register,"  the  "Clermont 
(Ohio)  Courier,"  and  the  "Pittsburg  Times,"  which  were 
distinctly  antiabolition — regarded  Mr.  Lovejoy  as  the 
champion  of  the  liberties  of  the  country.  They  spoke  of 
the  event  as  a  violation  of  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and 
argued  conclusively  that  such  illegal  violence  would  do 
more  for  the  cause  of  the  abolitionists  than  any  number 
of  speeches,  pamphlets,  or  books  could  ever  do. 

It  is  remarkable  also  that  the  strongest  sentiments  of  dis- 
approval of  the  action  of  the  Alton  mob  came  from  Southern 
editors;  and  that  as  a  whole  the  papers  of  the  South  depre- 
cated the  murder  and  arson  as  much  as  those  of  the  North.* 

1  See,  for  example,  "Missouri  Saturday  News,"  February  3,  1838,  and  "Mis- 
souri Republican"  for  November  10, 14,  December  3  and  21,  1837. 

*  See  all  newspapers  of  the  time,  of  which  we  can  mention  the  "Peoria 
Register,"  "Philadelphia  Observer,"  "Galena  Advertiser,"  "Fitchburg  Cour- 
ier, "Haverhill  Gazette,"  "New  York  Evening  Post,"  "New  York  Observer," 
"Massachusetts Spy, ""New  York  American,"  ''The  Pennsylvanian,""Taunton 
Whig,"  "Painesville  (0.)  Republican,"  "Hennepin  Journal,"  "Boston  Daily 
Advocate,"  "Pittsburg  Commercial  Journal,"  "Pittsburg  Gazette,"  "Pittsburg 


Atlas,"  "New  York  Baptist  Register."  "New  York  Journal  of  Commerce," 
"Salem  Gazette,"  "Zion  s  Herald,"  "The  Watchman,  "New  York  Christian 
Intelligencer,"  "Western  Christian  Advocate,"  "Ohio  Political  Register," 
"Circleville  (O.)  Herald,"  and  the  "Concord  Freeman,"  "Philanthropist," 
"Emancipator,"  and  "Liberator,"  all  of  which  deplored  the  riot  and  praised 
the  stand  of  Lovejoy. 

3  See  the  "Philanthropist,"  November  21,  1837,  November  28,  1837,  and 
December  19, 1837;  and  other  abolition  papers  in  their  November  and  Decem- 
ber issues. 

*See,  for  instance,  the  editorials  in  the  "Philadelphia  Observer"  in  refer- 
ence to  the  Southern  press,  November  20  to  December  i.  1837;  also,  for  same 
dates,  "Louisville  Herald"  and  'Journal,"  "Eiizabethtown(Ky.)  Star,"  and  the 
"Baltimore  Chronicle." 


THE  LOVEJOY  EPISODE  97 

The  "Observer"  was  reissued  at  Cincinnati  on  Decem- 
ber 28,  1837,  with  Elisha  W.  Chester  as  editor,  and  its 
publication  continued  till  the  following  April.1  Its  patron- 
age had  vanished,  however.  Its  vitality  seems  to  have 
gone  out  with  the  life  of  its  able  editor  and  founder.  No 
further  attempt  was  made  to  replace  it.  Nor  was  there 
any  antislavery  paper  published  in  Illinois  for  several 
years  thereafter. 

The  contest  waged  by  the  "friends  of  good  order"  in 
Alton  did  not  benefit  materially  the  cause  of  freedom  of 
speech.  It  aroused  but  a  temporary  revulsion  of  feeling 
throughout  the  Union  against  such  lawless  proceedings. 
Similar  outbreaks  have  occurred  quite  commonly  at  inter- 
vals ever  since. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  death  of  Mr.  Lovejoy  proved  a 
great  gain  to  the  general  abolition  cause.  It  secured  for 
that  movement  such  men  as  Wendell  Phillips  and  the  Hon. 
Richard  Fletcher,  who  might  not  have  been  won  in  any 
other  way.2  And  it  stirred  all  loyal  antislavery  men  to 
renewed  efforts  and  greater  enthusiasm. 

In  Illinois  the  effect  of  the  rioting  at  Alton  upon  the 
antislavery  cause  was  not  at  once  apparent.  There  was 
a  small  public  meeting  in  Chicago,  which  condemned  the 
assault  on  the  warehouse  as  a  blow  at  the  freedom  of  the 
press.  This  and  the  censure  of  a  few  papers  like  the 
"Peoria  Register"  were  the  only  protests  against  the  out- 
rage. In  fact,  few  people  in  the  State  cared  to  raise  their 
voices  in  condemnation  of  the  deed — such  was  the  disre- 
pute in  which  the  abolitionists  were  then  held.3 

'  Discontinued  after  April  19,  1838.    File  in  Chicago  Historical  Society. 
*  "Boston  Times,"  November  10-20. 

s  Z.  Eastman's  article,  "Antislavery  Agitation  in  Illinois,"  in  Blanchard's 
"Illinois." 

In  1837  the  General  Assembly  of  Illinois  unanimously  approved  the  report 
of  a  special  committee,  which  condemned  abolitionism  in  strong  language,  and 


98  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

Nevertheless,  the  martyrdom  of  Lovejoy  had  a  bene- 
ficial effect  on  many  minds,  and  as  will  be  more  fully 
shown  in  the  following  pages,  the  antislavery  movement 
in  Illinois  had  its  origin  in  the  work  and  death  of  Elijah 
P.  Lovejoy. 

closed  with  these  words:  "We  sincerely  deplore  the  evils  of  abolition  societies; 
and  we  firmly  believe  their  doctrines  and  proceedings  are  more  productive  of 
evil  than  of  moral  and  political  good."  "Philanthropist,"  April  14,  1837. 


LYMAN  J.    TRUMBULL 

(From  Portrait  in  Possession  of  George  H.  Robbins,  Esq.,  Chicago) 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

THE    SLAVERY  QUESTION    IN   THE   COURTS. 

It  has  already  been  shown  how  the  system  of  inden- 
tured servants  was  introduced  by  the  Territorial  laws  of 
Indiana  in  1807,  and  confirmed  by  the  Illinois  Constitu- 
tion of  1818,  and  the  Statutes  of  March,  1819,  in  seeming 
contradiction  with  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  It  might  have 
been  expected  that  ere  long  cases  would  arise  to  test  the 
validity  of  these  enactments,  but  in  point  of  fact,  such 
cases  were  very  slow  in  making  their  appearance  in  the 
Supreme  Court.  It  was  six  years  after  the  laws  respect- 
ing indentured  servants  were  passed  before  the  first  case 
was  argued,  and  nearly  ten  years  before  that  court  ren- 
dered any  decision  on  the  legality  of  the  laws  of  1819. 
This  was  due  to  various  causes.  In  the  first  place,  negroes 
were  forbidden  by  law  to  appear  as  witnesses  in  court.1 
Then  they  were  too  poor,  for  the  most  part,  to  inaugurate 
lawsuits  and  fight  their  way  up  to  the  Supreme  Court. 
Moreover,  the  public  concerned  themselves  very  little 
about  the  indentured  servants  in  those  days.  Nor  were 
the  lawyers  sufficiently  interested  or  philanthropically 
enough  inclined  to  champion  their  cause. 

The  first  case  which  came  before  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Illinois  having  a  bearing  on  this  subject  was  that  of 
Cornelius  vs.  Cohen.2  This  was  tried  in  the  winter  term 
of  1825.  It  was  the  case  of  a  negro  girl,  named  Betsey, 
whose  mother — Rachel —  had  apprenticed  herself  to  one 

1  Statutes,  i8iq  (March),  and  1827  (February),  "Act  Concerning  Practice." 
*  Illinois  Supreme  Court  Decisions;  Breeze,  page  131. 

99 


100  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

Joseph  Cornelius,  on  October  6,  1804,  for  a  term  of 
fifteen  years.  The  indenture,  which  had  been  signed  only 
by  Rachel,  had  expired,  and  the  woman  was  now  free. 
Mr.  Cornelius,  however,  claimed  the  right  to  the  services 
of  Betsey,  the  daughter  of  his  former  servant  Rachel, 
under  the  Territorial  law  of  1807. 

Justice  Lockwood  rendered  the  decision  of  the  Court, 
to  the  effect  that  the  1 3th  section  of  the  Act  of  1807  did 
not  embrace  cases  where  the  master  and  servant  did  not 
agree  upon  the  time  of  service  before  the  County  Clerk. 
Therefore  we  have  the  principle  established,  that  inden^ 
tures  not  signed  by  the  master  are  void.  It  is  to  be 
inferred,  also,  that  the  Court  did  not  consider  indentures 
legal  unless  signed  by  both  contracting  parties,  or  in  other 
words,  unless  issued  in  strict  compliance  with  the  terms 
of  the  Act  of  1807.  This  was  a  small  but  an  essential 
gain  for  the  negroes,  since  this  decision  must  have  acted 
as  an  effectual  check  on  all  unscrupulous  masters  who 
would,  if  it  were  possible,  entice  and  browbeat  free 
negroes  into  their  service. 

The  first  important  case  was  that  of  Nance  vs.  Howard,1 
which  was  decided  in  December,  1828.  The  vital  ques- 
tion at  issue  was,  Can  negroes  be  sold  in  Illinois?  The 
Supreme  Court  was  of  the  opinion  that  "registered  ser- 
vants are  goods  and  chattels,  and  can  be  sold  on  execu- 
tion." 

As  proof  of  this  assertion,  Justice  Lockwood  showed 
that  both  the  Territorial  Legislatures2  and  the  State 
Legislature3  had  considered  registered  servants  as  per- 
sonal property.  Then,  too,  the  execution  and  attach- 
ment laws  of  the  State  provided  that  the  time  of  negro 

1  Breeze,  page  242. 

•Acts,  September  17,  1807,  on  "Execution,"  Sec.  7;  on  "Servants,"  Sec.  3. 

3  State  Session  Laws,  March  27,  1819;  February  18,  1823;  February  19, 1827. 


SLAVERY  QUESTION   IN   THE   COURTS        101 

servants  may  be  sold  or  transferred,1  and  while  a  poll  tax 
was  forbidden  by  the  Constitution,  negro  servants  have 
always  been  taxed  as  property,  not  per  head  but  per  value.2 
Therefore,  since  registered  servants  are  property,  they  are 
transferable  like  other  goods  and  chattels  on  execution. 

This  was  a  question  of  vital  interest,  as  it  affected 
both  the  transfers  of  indentured  negroes,  which  were  con- 
stantly occurring,  and  the  sale  by  the  sheriffs  of  the  time 
of  negroes  who  might  be  found  at  liberty  in  the  State,  but 
without  freedom  papers.  The  judgment  in  this  case  of 
Nance  vs.  Howard,  confirmed  then  the  legality  of  those 
laws  which  provided  for  the  sale  of  the  time  of  indentured 
negroes.  This  held  good  until  the  Supreme  Court,  twelve 
years  later,  reversed  its  decision,  and  declared  that  the 
presumption  of  the  law  in  Illinois  is,  that  every  person  is 
free  without  regard  to  color,  and  that  the  sale  of  free 
persons  is  illegal.3 

In  the  same  session  in  which  the  case  of  Nance  vs. 
Howard  was  decided,  a  far  more  important  judgment  was 
rendered  in  the  case  of  Phoebe  vs.  William  Jay.4  The 
facts  of  the  affair  were  as  follows:  Phoebe  had  been 
indentured  by  Joseph  Jay  in  November,  1814,  to  serve 
forty  years.  In  course  of  time  Joseph  Jay  died,  leaving 
all  his  property  to  his  son,  William  Jay,  who  was  also  his 
executor.  The  question  now  arose,  did  Phoebe  go  to 
William  along  with  the  other  property?  and  if  so,  could 
he  therefore  compel  her  to  render  service  to  him  by  whip- 

1  Execution  Laws,  March  22,   1819.    Statutes  of  Illinois,  page  181;  Feb- 
ruary 17,1823,  page  173. 

Attachment  Laws,  January  24,  1827,  page  76;  on  slaves. 

2  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1827.    Act  on  Revenue,  page  331,  levies  tax  of  one- 
half  per  cent  on  all  property. 

3  Cases  of  Bailey  vs.  Cromwell  et  al.,  1840,  (July  Term)  3  Scammon,  71  Su- 
preme Court  Decisions.    Kinney  vs.  Cook,  i84o(Decemher  Term),  3  Scammon 
232.    Sarah  vs.  Borders,  1843  (December  Term)  4  Scammon,  341. 

*  Breeze,  page  268. 


102  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

ping  or  other  punishment?  In  order  to  settle  the  question 
it  was  necessary  first  for  the  Court  to  give  its  opinion  on 
the  right  to  hold  indentured  servants  under  the  laws  and 
Constitution  of  Illinois — a  point  it  had  thus  far  carefully 
avoided.  In  rendering  the  opinion  Justice  Lockwood l  be- 
gan by  declaring  that  the  Act  of  1807  was  void,  being 
repugnant  to  the  6th  Article  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  In 
support  of  this  claim  he  said,  ' '  I  conceive  that  it  would  be 
an  insult  to  common  sense  to  contend  that  the  negro,  under 
the  circumstances  in  which  he  is  placed,  had  any  free 
agency.  The  only  choice  given  him  was  a  choice  of  evils. 
On  either  hand,  servitude  was  to  be  his  lot.  The  terms 
proposed  were,  slavery  for  a  period  of  years,  generally 
extending  beyond  the  probable  duration  of  his  life,  or  a 
return  to  a  perpetual  slavery  in  the  place  from  whence  he 
was  brought.  The  indenturing  was  in  effect  an  involun- 
tary servitude  for  a  period  of  years,  and  was  void,  being 
in  violation  of  the  Ordinance."  2 

But  he  went  on  to  prove  that  indentures  contracted 
under  that  law  were  made  valid  by  the  3d  section  of 
Article  VI.  of  the  Constitution  of  1818,  on  the  ground 
that  a  Constitution  can  do  what  is  impossible  for  a  legis- 
lative act  to  accomplish.3 

Then  he  proceeded  to  show  that  the  Ordinance  of  1787 
was  no  longer  binding  on  the  people  of  Illinois,  because 
the  parties  to  it  had  abrogated  it  by  "common  consent." 
The  people  of  Illinois  had  abrogated  it,  by  consenting  to 
indentures  in  their  Constitution  of  1818;  and  Congress 
had  abrogated  it  by  accepting  the  same  Constitution 
when  the  State  applied  for  admittance  to  the  Union. 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  Judge  Samuel  J.  Lockwood  was  one  of 
the  leaders  in  the  antislavery  movement  in  this  State  in  1823-1824  against  the 
Conventionists. 

*  Breeze,  page  270. 

3  Breeze,  page  271. 


SLAVERY   QUESTION   IN   THE   COURTS        103 

It  was  also  demonstrated  in  the  argument  on  this  case 
that,  in  the  event  of  the  death  of  a  master,  his  servants 
were  not  free;  nor  did  they  descend  to  his  heirs  or  heirs 
at  law;  but  they  must  pass  into  the  hands  of  the  de- 
ceased's legatees,  executors,  or  administrators.  The 
administrator,  however,  had  no  power  to  compel  the  ser- 
vant or  servants  to  perform  services;  but  he  was  to  hold 
them  in  custody  merely,  until  their  terms  of  service  could 
be  sold.  Thus  the  Supreme  Court  supported  the  Legis- 
lature in  declaring  the  holding  of  indentured  slaves  legal, 
and  thereby  fastened  the  fetters  more  securely  on  the 
negro.  Still  it  was  an  advance  to  have  the  bequeathing 
of  negroes  by  will  forbidden. 

There  was  no  law  on  the  subject,  and  therefore  people 
had  handed  down  their  servants  to  their  children  or  other 
relatives  as  they  saw  fit.  Till  then  there  had  been  no 
chance  of  the  negro  escaping  from  the  full  term  of  his 
indenture.  This  decision  gave  him  at  least  one  loop- 
hole of  escape.  Some  one  charitably  inclined  might 
buy  him  at  the  administrator's  sale  and  set  him  free 
immediately,  or  after  a  very  short  term  of  service.  Yet, 
in  the  main,  these  were  all  false  hopes.  Nothing  of 
great  or  lasting  value  could  be  expected  from  such  a 
decision. 

It  was  not  until  the  year  1836  that  the  first  decisive 
step  was  made  toward  freeing  the  colored  people  from 
unjust  legislation.  In  that  year  it  was  first  insisted  upon 
by  the  Supreme  Court  that  all  indentures  not  made  in 
strict  conformity  with  that  portion  of  the  act  of  1807 
embodied  in  the  Constitution  of  1818  were  illegal,  and 
that  service  under  them  could  not  be  enforced.  This 
meant  that  all  negroes  who  'were  not  registered  or  inden- 
tured within  thirty  days  after  being  brought  into  the  State 


104  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

could  not  be  held  to  service,  and  would  therefore  become 
free  through  continued  residence  in  the  State.1  We  shall 
soon  see  how  this  latter  point  was  confirmed  by  the  judges 
of  the  Circuit  Court  six  years  later. 

Another  important  decision  of  1836  was  that  in  the 
case  of  Boon  vs.  Juliet.2  This  was  a  question  of  the  right 
of  Boon  to  the  services  of  the  children  of  a  colored 
woman,  named  Juliet.  Juliet  had  been  registered  in  Ran- 
dolph County  on  July  2O,  1808,  by  one  Gaston.  In 
course  of  time  she  had  been  sold  by  the  Gastons  to  the 
Boons,  and  had  finally  served  out  her  time.  She  had, 
however,  three  children — Peter,  Harrison,  and  Enoch — 
two  of  whom  were  born  before  1818  and  one  since  that 
date.  Bennington  Boon  claimed  the  right  to  the  services 
of  these  children  for  some  years  yet,  under  the  Act  of 
1807  and  of  the  proviso  attached  to  section  three, 
Article  VI.,  of  the  Constitution  of  1818.  The  Court 
decided  that  the  children  of  negroes  registered  under  the 
Territorial  laws  of  Indiana  and  Illinois  were  unquestion- 
ably free.  Justice  Smith,  who  rendered  the  opinion  of 
\the  Court,  affirmed  that  the  law  of  1807  did  not  refer  to 
registered  negroes,  but  only  to  indentured  servants,  and 
that  the  proviso  of  section  three,  Article  VI.,  of  the 
Constitution  did  not  necessarily  make  the  persons  therein 
named  subject  to  slavery;  for  a  proviso  in  law  is  in- 
tended to  qualify  the  section  preceding  it;  and  this  one 
was  purposed  as  a  mere  limitation  on  the  imagined  right, 
by  inference  from  the  law  of  1807,  of  the  master  to  the 
services  of  their  children.  In  other  words,  it  was  intended 

1  Choisser  vs.  Barney  Hargrave,  i  Scammon,  p.  337.  Barney  Hargrave  had 
been  brought  into  Illinois  in  1816,  or  before,  and  was  not  registered  as  an  in- 
dentured servant  until  August  15,  1818.  Barney  was  sold  by  his  first  master, 
Willis  Hargrave,  of  Gallatin  County,  to  A.  S.  Wright,  and  by  the  latter  to  John 
Choisser. 

2 1  Scammon,  page  258. 


SLAVERY  QUESTION   IN  THE   COURTS        105 

by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  that  the  children  of 
indentured  servants  should  not  be  generally  held  as  slaves, 
but  where  masters  possessed  any  legal  right  to  hold  such 
children  in  their  service,  by  mutual  agreement  or  other- 
wise, the  term  of  servitude  should  not  extend  beyond  the 
twenty-first  birthday  in  the  case  of  males,  and  the  eight- 
eenth in  the  case  of  females. 

The  importance  of  this  decision  is  at  once  apparent, 
when  we  remember  that  the  larger  proportion  of  the 
younger  slaves  were  the  offspring  of  negroes  who  had 
been  indentured  under  these  Territorial  laws.  It  is 
most  difficult  to  determine  at  present  just  how  many  re- 
ceived their  freedom  through  this  act  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  but  the  number  must  have  been  considerable.1 

In  the  years  1840  and  1841  it  was  established,  in  the 
cases  of  Bailey  vs.  Cromwell2  and  Kinney  vs.  Cook,3  that 
"the  presumption  of  the  law  in  Illinois  is  that  every  per- 
son is  free  without  regard  to  color,"  and  "the  sale  of  a 
free  person  is  illegal."  Thus  the  selling  of  indentured 
servants  was  rendered  illegal.  This  decision,  as  well  as 
that  rendered  in  the  case  of  Phoebe  vs.  Jay,  was  confirmed 
in  the  case  of  Sarah  vs.  Borders,4  which  came  before 
the  Supreme  Court  in  its  December  term,  1843.  This 
celebrated  case  shows  so  well  the  feeling  between  slavery 
and  antislavery  men  at  the  time,  as  well  as  the  great  diffi- 
culties in  getting  such  a  case  a  fair  trial  in  the  lower 

1  The  United  States  Census  for  1830  places  the  number  of  slaves  in  Illinois 
at  747,  while  that  of  1840  reports  only  184.  This,  if  correct,  would  give  the  re- 
markable decrease  of  563  in  ten  years,  or  about  75  per  cent.  There  seems  to 
be  an  error  in  the  returns  for  1840,  however.  Messrs.  Bailhache  and  Company, 
editors  of  the  "Alton  Telegraph,"  in  their  ''Tabular  Statement,"  published  in 
February,  1841,  give  the  number  of  slaves  as  300.  This  "Tabular  Statement" 
was  compiled  from  the  returns  made  by  J  A.  Townsend  for  the  United  States 
Marshal.  This  would  make  the  decrease  in  slaves  held  for  the  decade  1830-40 
nearer  60  per  cent  than  75  per  cent.  This  was  not  all  due  to  the  decision  in 
the  case  of  Boone  vs.  Juliet.  The  granting  of  freedom  papers,  the  expiration 
of  indentures,  the  kidnapping  of  colored  servants,  and  ravages  of  death  all 
played  a  part  in  this  lessening  of  the  number  of  slaves  held. 

"3  Scammon,  page  71.       3  3  Scammon,  page  232.       *  4  Scammon,  page  341. 


io6  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

courts  and  in  carrying  it  safely  to  the  superior  courts  for 
final  judgment,  that  the  history  of  it  should  be  related  in 
full. 

In  the  early  forties  Andrew  Borders,1  a  man  well  known 
for  his  cruelty  and  rapacity,  was  living  near  Eden  in  Ran- 
dolph County.  He  possessed  several  negro  servants,  to 
whom  he  clung  with  all  the  determination  and  passion  of 
a  true  Southerner.  Two  of  his  colored  women,  feeling 
entitled  to  their  freedom,  and  anxious  to  escape  the  cruelty 
of  their  master,  left  him,  and  with  three  children  made 
their  way  northward.  One  of  these  women  was  named 
Sarah  Borders,  and  was  the  mother  of  the  three  young 
negroes. 

The  party  proceeded  in  security,  aided  by  persons  here 
and  there,  who  were  known  as  "friends  of  the  negro," 
until  they  reached  French  Creek  in  Peoria  County.  Here 
they  were  given  a  temporary  home  at  the  house  of  John 
Cross,  a  well-known  abolitionist.  They  had  been  in  the 
house  only  a  few  days  when  a  party  of  men,  led  by  a 
justice  of  peace,  named  Jacob  Knightlinger,  appeared,  who 
carried  them  off  per  force  and  lodged  them  in  the  county 
jail  at  Knoxville.  This  was  in  the  latter  part  of  Septem- 
ber, 1842. 

The  negroes  were  treated  as  fugitive  slaves.  Their 
arrest  was  advertised  by  the  County  Sheriff,  and  it  was 
expected  that  they  would  be  sold  at  auction  if  their 
master  did  not  put  in  a  claim  for  them.  The  two  women 
claimed  to  be  free,  and  the  sympathy  of  all  the  antislavery 
residents  of  the  region  was  aroused  in  their  favor.  The 


1  For  authorities  in  the_details  of  Borders's  case,  see  "Western  _Citizen," 

"  3,  am" 
IB  thri 
1844,  1 
.  Cros 


uly  6,  1843,  letter  dated  Galesburg,  June  23,  1843,  and  signed  "Liberty." 
Citiz 


/estern  Citizen,"  February  22,  1844,  article  on  the  three  cases  of  Borders, 
Eells,  and  Willard.  "Western  Citizen,"  July  8,  1844,  letter  from  J.  Cross. 
"Western  Citizen,"  September  23.  1842,  letter  from  J.  Cross;  letter  from  Gales- 
burg,  Eden,  etc.,  in  "Western  Citizen,"  October  7,  28,  and  December  23,  1842; 
also  4  Scammon,  page  341. 


SLAVERY  QUESTION   IN  THE  COURTS        107 

abolitionists  made  the  quarters  of  the  negroes  in  the  jail 
as  comfortable  as  possible,  and  exerted  themselves  to  the 
utmost  to  secure  their  freedom. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Borders's  representative  appeared  with 
papers  claiming  the  fugitives,  the  case  was  hurriedly 
brought  before  a  justice  of  peace,  who  declared  that  both 
the  women  and  the  children  were  entitled  to  their  free- 
dom. But  Borders's  lawyer  appealed  the  case  immedi- 
ately to  the  County  Court,  at  the  same  time  bringing  suits 
against  the  abolitionists  who  had  aided  the  negroes,  for 
seizing  and  carrying  off  the  property  of  Mr.  Borders. 

The  trial  soon  came  off  in  the  midst  of  considerable 
excitement,  there  being  many  persons  who  sympathized 
with  Borders,  as  well  as  antislavery  partisans  who  sus- 
tained the  negroes.  Borders  won  his  suits,  and  even 
succeeded  in  getting  a  verdict  against  the  first  justice  who 
heard  the  case,  for  detaining  Borders's  papers  from  Mon- 
day till  Saturday  before  deciding  the  suit.  Then  the 
abolitionists  appealed  the  matter  to  the  Circuit  Court, 
which  was  to  be  held  the  following  June  (1843)  at  Gales- 
burg,  Knox  County,  by  the  Honorable  Jesse  B.  Thomas. 

Here  again  both  parties  made  strenuous  efforts.  Mr. 
Cross  was  his  own  counsel,  defending  himself  and  the 
negroes  vigorously.  Mr.  Borders's  agent  exerted  him- 
self not  only  to  win  his  suits,  but  also  to  punish  the 
abolitionists  for  interfering  in  Borders's  affairs.  The 
abolitionisis  claim  that  he  bribed  a  number  of  the  officials, 
packed  the  jury  with  slavery  sympathizers,  and  brought 
up  from  Randolph  County  a  barrel  of  peach  brandy, 
which  was  presented  to  the  sheriff  for  the  use  of  the  Court 
and  its  officials. 

The  old  man  was  again  successful  in  getting  his  right 
to  the  children  sanctioned,  in  spite  of  testimony  by  men 


IOS  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

from  Randolph  County  that  Hannah  had  been  kept  eigh- 
teen months  over  time.  The  cases  for  trespass  and  carry- 
ing off  of  the  negroes  were  dismissed  by  the  Court,  since 
the  jury  found  no  cause  for  action;  and  the  right  of  the 
two  women  to  their  freedom  was  confirmed.  In  addition, 
Borders's  desire  for  revenge  was  somewhat  appeased, 
when  the  jury  found  bills  of  indictment  on  trumped- 
up  charges  against  some  of  the  men  who  had  clothed, 
fed,  and  protected  the  colored  children.1 

However,  the  "friends  of  the  slave"  were  not  discour- 
aged. In  junction  with  other  antislavery  men  in  Eden,  a 
suit  was  brought  against  Borders  in  Randolph  County,  for 
holding  negroes  in  service  after  the  time  set  by  law  had 
expired.  Borders  was  again  successful,  and  finally  the 
case  was  appealed,  and  came  up  before  the  Supreme  Court 
in  the  December  term,  1843.  Lyman  Trumbull  and 
Gustave  Koerner  were  the  attorneys  for  the  plaintiff. 
They  made  an  able  and  exhaustive  argument  to  prove 
that  the  holding  of  negroes  as  servants  or  slaves  in  Illinois 
was  illegal,  being  contrary  to  the  Ordinance  of  1787, 
which  they  asserted  was  still  binding.  They  were  not 
able  to  convince  a  majority  of  the  judges  of  the  correct- 
ness of  their  argument,  and  the  Court  expressed  itself, 
through  Judges  Scates  and  Thomas,  as  fully  in  sympathy 
with  the  argument  and  position  of  the  court  in  the  case  of 
Phoebe  vs.  Jay,  and  rendered  its  verdict  accordingly. 

This  decision  excited  much  criticism  throughout  the 
State,  especially  from  the  antislavery  men.  The  Court 
was  accused  of  corruption,  and  of  subserviency  to  the 
slave  power,  and  its  opinion  was  a  matter  of  great  disap- 
pointment to  many  who  had  earnestly  hoped  that  the  Court 

1  One  was  sentenced  for  beating  his  wife,  and  another  for  misapplying  the 
funds  of  the  School  Board  of  Galesburg,  of  which  he  was  a  member. 


SLAVERY   QUESTION   IN  THE   COURTS        109 

would  declare  the  holding  of  negro  indentured  servants 
illegal. 

In  the  year  1842  two  cases  came  up  before  the  Circuit 
Court  of  Sangamon  District,  which  show  the  increasing 
tendency  among  the  ranks  of  the  judiciary  (that  had 
already  manifested  itself  prominently  among  the  inhabi- 
tants of  central  and  northern  Illinois)  to  give  the  negro 
full  legal  protection  and  justice.  The  first  was  the  case 
of  the  negro  Daniel,  who  had  been  arrested  and  commit- 
ted to  jail  in  Springfield  for  having  no  freedom  papers. 
This  was  in  accordance  with  the  law  passed  on  the  i/th 
of  January,  1829,  which  provided,  as  we  have  seen,  that 
every  black  person  found  in  the  State  without  freedom 
papers  should  be  arrested,  and  after  six  weeks'  notice 
should,  by  the  sheriff  of  the  county,  be  hired  out  by  the 
month.  Daniel,  by  the  help  of  friends,  secured  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus,  and  had  his  case  brought  before  Judge 
Treat.  The  judge  declared  that  the  act  of  1829  was  un- 
constitutional, and  that  Daniel  was  entitled  to  his  free- 
dom, which  was  granted  to  him.1 

The  second  case  was  that  of  James  Foster,2  a  colored 
man,  who  had  been  living  in  Springfield  during  the  two 
or  three  years  previous  to  that  time.  A  citizen  of  Arkan- 
sas suddenly  appeared,  claimed  Foster  as  his  slave,  and 
demanded  him  in  accordance  with  the  act  of  Congress 
regarding  fugitive  slaves.  The  matter  was  brought  before 
Judge  Treat  for  adjudication.  He  required  the  slave- 
holder to  prove  the  negro  was  his  property  "by  disinter- 
ested witnesses, ' '  before  he  would  surrender  the  slave  to 

1  "Sangamon  Journal,"  February  18,  1842;  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February 
26,  1842. 

2  This  was  confirmed  later  (i84g.  December  term)  by  the  Supreme  Court, 
in  "Thornton's  Case,"  n  Illinois  (Supreme  Court  Decisions),  page  332;  and  in 
1853  by  Judge  Skinner  in  the  case  of  a  negro  arrested  under  a  similar  charge  in 
Adams  County.    "Free  West,'1  December  8,  1853. 


no  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

his  supposed  master.  This,  as  Mr.  Lundy  has  already 
pointed  out,1  was  in  excess  of  the  requirements  of  the  act 
of  Congress,  which  only  stipulated  that  the  slaveholder  or 
his  agent  should  make  an  affidavit  of  the  identity  of  the 
person  claimed.  Yet  it  was  a  step  in  the  right  direction, 
because  to  white  men  all  negroes  look  alike,  and  the  prac- 
tice of  kidnapping  negroes  had  become  so  prevalent  that 
the  most  stringent  regulations  were  needed  to  protect  the 
free  blacks  in  Illinois. 

The  early  forties  were,  too,  the  period  of  another  series 
of  -lawsuits  which  finally  accrued  to  the  advantage  of  the 
negro  from  still  another  point  of  view.  These  were  the 
direct  outcome  of  the  Act  of  1829,  concerning  runaway 
slaves,  which  imposed  a  penalty  of  five  hundred  dollars 
for  harboring  a  negro  not  possessing  a  certificate  of  free- 
dom; for  the  agents  of  Southern  slaveholders  and  their 
sympathizers  in  Illinois  were  not  slow  in  getting  out 
indictments  against  such  antislavery  men  as  dared  to  aid 
a  fugitive  black.2 

The  first  of  the  cases  which  arose  under  that  law  was 
that  of  Owen  Lovejoy,  who  was  tried  for  the  supposed 
harboring  of  a  negro  woman  named  Nancy,  by  the  Dis- 
trict Court  of  Bureau  County,  on  October  5,  6,  and  7, 
1843.*  Mr.  Purple,  a  lawyer  of  Peoria,  and  a  strong 
opponent  of  abolitionism,  had  gotten  out  a  warrant  against 
Mr.  Lovejoy  for  "keeping  in  his  house,  feeding,  clothing, 
and  comforting  the  said  Nancy,"  and  also  a  negress 
named  Agnes.  The  case  was  first  tried  before  the 
County  Court  of  Bureau  County  in  May,  1843,  where 
Purple  seems  to  have  been  victorious.  In  October  it 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  26,  1842. 

8  Illinois  Statutes,  1829,  January  17,  Sec.  i  and  2,  and  Revised  Statutes,  1845, 
Sec.  5,  Chapter  74,  $500  penalty  for  harboring  a  negro  without  freedom  papers. 

"For  good  but  slightly  partisan  account,  see  "Western  Citizen,"  July  13, 
August  3,  October  19  and  26,  1843. 


SLAVERY   QUESTION   IN   THE   COURTS        m 

was  carried  to  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  same  county,  and 
tried  before  Judge  Caton.  There  was  much  interest 
manifested  in  the  affair.  The  excitement  in  Princeton 
was  considerable,  and  the  court-room  was  packed.  The 
Honorable  James  H.  Collins  was  the  counsel  for  Lovejoy, 
and  made  a  telling  speech  of  seven  hours'  length  in  defense 
of  his  client.  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  fully  acquitted  of  the 
charges.  Since  Mr.  Lovejoy  and  Mr.  Collins  were  both 
abolitionists,  this  acquittal  was  considered  a  great  triumph 
for  the  antislavery  element,  and  was  duly  celebrated  as 
such  in  all  antislavery  papers  and  gatherings. 

In  his  charge  to  the  jury,  while  declining  to  pass  judg- 
ment on  the  constitutionality  of  the  law  under  which  the 
case  was  tried,  Judge  Caton  made  the  following  remark- 
able interpretation  of  the  effect  of  residence  in  a  free  ter- 
ritory upon  an  escaped  slave.  He  said:  "The  right  to 
property  in  a  slave  is  not  one  of  those  natural  rights  which 
necessarily  and  spontaneously  result  from  the  organization 
of  society,  like  the  right  to  property  in  animals,  in  fruits 
of  agriculture,  minerals,  or  the  like,  which  are  found  by 
accident  or  produced  by  toil;  but  slavery  can  only  exist 
either  in  the  statute  laws,  the  common  laws,  or  by  cus- 
tom. It  is  necessary,  however,  to  be  shown  to  exist  in 
some  of  these  forms  in  the  State,  .District,  or  Territory 
where  the  supposed  slave  was  held  in  bondage,  before  it 
is  possible  to  show  legally  the  relation  of  master  and 
slaves."  It  was  therefore  necessary  for  the  jury  to  find 
this  evidence  and  the  residence  of  the  master  of  Nancy, 
before  Lovejoy  could  be  legally  convicted. 

Still,  as  regards  Illinois,  Judge  Caton  continued:  "By 
the  Constitution  of  this  State,  slavery  cannot  exist  here. 
If,  therefore,  a  master  voluntarily  bring  his  slave  within 
the  State,  he  becomes  from  that  moment  free,  and  if  he 


112  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

escape  from  his  master  while  in  this  State,  it  is  not  an 
escape  from  slavery,  but  it  is  going  where  a  free  man  has 
a  right  to  go;  and  the  harboring  of  such  a  person  is  no 
offense  against  our  law;  but  the  tie  which  binds  a  slave 
to  his  master  can  be  severed  only  by  the  voluntary  act  of 
the  latter. "  J  If  the  slave  comes  in  without  the  consent 
of  the  master  he  always  belongs  to  the  master,  no  matter 
where  he  may  go.2 

This  is  the  first  instance  where  the  courts  of  Illinois  de- 
clared that  residence  in  a  free  Territory  entitled  a  slave 
to  his  freedom.3  This  opinion  was  confirmed  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  State  in  Jarrot  vs.  Jarrot,  in  1845,* 
and  reaffirmed  by  Judges  Wilson  and  Treat  in  the  Octo- 
ber term,  1847,  °f  tne  Coles  County  Circuit  Court,  in 
the  case  of  General  Matteson.5  Its  effect  upon  the  hold- 
ing of  indentured  servants  in  Illinois,  we  shall  soon  see, 
was  most  important. 

In  the  same  term  (December,  1843)  that  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Illinois  rendered  its  decision  in  Sarah  Bor- 
ders's  case,  it  gave  judgment  in  two  other  cases  which 
excited  great  public  comment,  and  had  an  important  bear- 
ing upon  the  question  of  fugitive  slaves  and  the  rights  of 
their  masters  to  retain  them. 

The  first  of  these  was  the  case  of  Richard  Eells  of 
Quincy. '  This  came  up  from  Adams  County,  where 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  October  26, 1843. 

"This  last  was  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  United 
States  and  the  Laws  of  the  State  from  which  the  slave  came. 

3  The  Supreme  Courts  of  other  States  had  already  rendered  similar  de- 
cisions: Mississippi,  1818,  Harvey  vs.  Dacker,  Miss.  R.  36,  (Supreme  Court 
Decisions).  Louisiana,  1830,  Merry  vs.  Chexnaider,  20  Martin  009  (Supreme 
Court  Decisions).  Indiana,  1820,  Indiana  vs.  Lasalle.  i  Blackf.  60  (Supreme 
Court  Decisions).  Missouri,  Winny  vs.  Whiteside,  i  Mo.  72  (Supreme  Court 
Decisions).  Missouri,  1827,  Merry  vs.  Tirien,  i  Mo.  725  (Supreme  Court  De- 
cisions). 

*  2  Gilmore  i,  (Supreme  Court  Decisions). 

"  "Coles  County  Globe"  for  October,  1847;  "Charleston  Globe"  for  October, 
1847;  and  "Western  Citizen,"  September  7,  November  16,  and  December  18,  18*7. 


SLAVERY  QUESTION   IN  THE  COURTS        113 

Eells  had  been  tried  for  secreting  a  runaway  slave,  before 
the  Circuit  Court,  over  which  the  Honorable  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  presided.  The  judgment  had  been  adverse  to 
Dr.  Eells,  and  he  had  been  fined  four  hundred  dollars 
for  the  offense.1  The  Supreme  Court  then  reviewed  the 
case  and  confirmed  the  opinion  of  the  lower  court. 

The  following  points  were  brought  out  by  Judge 
Shields,  who  rendered  the  opinion  of  the  bench.  A  State 
has  the  right  to  legislate  upon  the  subject  of  fugitive 
slaves;  it  may  even  prohibit  the  introduction  of  negro 
slaves  into  its  territory,  and  punish  its  citizens  who  intro- 
duce them;  but  no  State  can  pass  a  law  which  will  inter- 
fere with  the  right  of  the  master  to  his  slave,  or  in  any 
other  way  infringe  upon  that  portion  of  the  subject  cov- 
ered by  the  "Fugitive  Slave  Laws,"  passed  by  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States.  To  secrete  a  slave  is  an 
attempt  to  defraud  its  owner  of  his  property,  and  so  much 
of  section  149  of  the  Criminal  Code2  of  Illinois  as  pro- 
vides for  punishing  any  person  who  shall  secrete  a  negro 
slave  is  not  in  conflict  with  the  third  paragraph  of  section 
2,  of  Article  IV.  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States; 
nor  does  it  interfere  with  the  remedy  provided  by  Con- 
gress for  the  recovery  of  the  slave,  or  the  mode  of  prose- 
cuting that  remedy.3  Here  again  the  latter  portion  of  the 
charge  to  the  jury  by  Judge  Caton  in  the  Lovejoy  case 
was  maintained,  namely,  that  the  escaping  of  a  slave  to 
free  territory  did  not  make  him  free,  but  he  remained  still, 
wherever  he  might  go,  the  property  of  his  master.  He 
might  be  claimed  by  his  owner  at  any  time,  and  any  per- 
son who  should  assist  or  secrete  such  a  slave  rendered  him- 
self liable  to  arrest  and  punishment  under  the  State  laws. 

i  "Western  Citizen,"  February  22, 1844. 

3  Same  as  in  law  of  1829,  referred  to  above. 

3  4  Scammon,  page  498,  Richard  Eells  vs.  The  People. 


114  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

The  other  case  was  that  of  Julius  A.  Willard  vs.  The 
People.1  Willard  was  an  abolitionist  who  lived  in  Jack- 
sonville. He  had  been  indicted  in  the  Morgan  County 
Circuit  Court  and  fined  twenty  dollars  and  costs  by  Judge 
Lockwood  for  hiding  a  runaway  negro  woman.  This 
slave  belonged  to  a  Mrs.  Leslie,  of  Louisiana,  who  had 
voluntarily  brought  her  negro  serving  woman  with  her 
into  the  State  and  had  resided  for  a  short  time  in  Jackson- 
ville. When  Mrs.  Leslie  was  proceeding  towards  Mis- 
souri (St.  Louis)  on  her  homeward  journey,  the  negress 
escaped  from  her  mistress.  Willard  aided  in  her  escape, 
but  a  number  of  the  proslavery  citizens  of  the  region 
joined  in  the  pursuit,  overtook  the  fugitives,  and  returned 
the  girl  to  her  mistress.2 

The  Supreme  Court  affirmed  the  judgment  of  the  lower 
court,  and  through  Judge  Scates,  expressed  the  opinion 
that,  "A  slaveholder  has  a  perfect  right  to  pass  through 
Illinois  with  his  slaves,  and  comity  between  the  States 
will  protect  him  in  regarding  the  slaves  as  such,  while 
within  our  limits."3  Here  we  see  that  the  Supreme 
Court  was  not  quite  ready  or  willing  to  take  the  position 
of  Judge  Caton  in  the  Lovejoy  case,  that  the  voluntary 
bringing  of  slaves  into  the  State  makes  them  free,  but 
makes  a  distinction  between  temporary  and  permanent 
residence.  These  two  decisions,  together  with  that  in  the 
Sarah  Borders  case,  aroused  intense  feelings  and  severe 
criticism  over  the  State.  The  abolitionists  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  condemn  the  action  of  the  court  in  outspoken  lan- 
guage and  accuse  the  judges  of  proslavery  sympathies.4 

1 4  Scammon,  page  461. 

,JSee  full  account  in  Willard's  letter  to  Eastman  in  "Western  Citizen," 
August  24,  1843,  and  February  22,  1844. 

*  4  Scammon,  page  461. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  February  22,  1844.    The  "Western  Citizen,"  too,  in 
speaking  of  the  decision  in  the  Jarrot  case,  a  year  later,  said,  "Hitherto  the 


SLAVERY   QUESTION   IN   THE   COURTS        115 

The  "Alton  Telegraph"1  spoke  of  the  decision  in  the 
Willard  case  as  "in  direct  conflict  with  the  decisions  made 
upon  the  same  question  in  Massachusetts  and  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  what  is  regarded  now  as  the  settled  law  of 
the  land.  The  only  distinction  that  was  or  could  be 
drawn  between  the  cases  is,  that  in  Illinois  slavery  to  a 
certain  extent  exists  under  our  Constitution  and  laws."2 
The  correspondent  of  the  "Chicago  Express, "  3  who 
doubtless  voiced  the  sentiment  of  a  large  proportion  of 
the  conservative  citizens  of  the  States,  comments  on  all 
the  cases  as  follows:  "Is  it  not  passing  strange  that  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Illinois  should  be  called 
upon  to  decide  whether  slavery  exists  in  the  State  ?  .  .  .  . 
If  slavery  exists  in  this  State,  either  under  the  name  of 
apprenticeship,  indentured  servants,  or  French  slaves,  I 
think  it  is  high  time  to  amend  the  Constitution."4  Re- 
ferring especially  to  the  cases  of  Eells  and  Willard,  he 
adds  that  they  were  "a  solemn  warning  to  abolitionists 
to  mind  their  own  business." 

All  citizens  of  the  State  who  sympathized  with  the 
Southern  slaveholders,  or  who,  while  opposed  to  the  sys- 
tem of  slavery,  looked  with  disapproval  upon  the  theories 
and  acts  of  the  abolitionists,  doubtless  agreed  with  the 
correspondent  of  the  "Express,"  and  thought  that  these 
decisions  would  serve  as  an  effectual  check  upon  the 
efforts  of  those  antislavery  enthusiasts  to  assist  escap- 
ing negroes  to  a  safe  retreat.  But  the  contrary  result  oc- 
curred. The  Putnam  County  Antislavery  Society  passed 

Supreme  Court  has  uniformly  decided  against  freedom  when  slavery  was  con- 
cerned; and  no  tribunal  has  ever  been  more  servile  or  subservient  to  the  slave 
power  than  this  Court."  "Western  Citizen,"  February  17,  1845. 

1  A  Whig  paper,  but  antislavery  in  its  sympathies. 

•"Alton  Telegraph,"  February  3,  1844. 

3  A  Democratic  paper  opposed  both  to  slavery  and  abolitionism. 

*  "Chicago  Express,"  February  20.  Quoted  also  in  "Western  Citizen," 
February  22,  1844. 


Il6  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  "we  are  fully  determined  to 
protect  the  fugitives. "  l  The  Illinois  Antislavery  Society, 
at  its  sixth  anniversary,  held  in  Chicago,  June  7,  1843, 
elected  Richard  Eells  president  for  the  ensuing  year,  and 
took  the  ground,  in  one  of  its  Resolutions,  that  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  free  States  are  not 
bound  to  deliver  up  fugitives,2  and  at  the  seventh  anniver- 
sary of  the  same  society,  held  at  Peoria,  in  June,  1844, 
the  executive  committee  made  a  full  report  of  all  the  im- 
portant fugitive  slave  cases  during  the  year  that  had  just 
passed,  praised  the  conduct  of  Lovejoy,  Eells,  and  Wil- 
lard,  criticised  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
urged  the  right  and  justice  of  assisting  all  negroes  to 
escape  from  bondage.3 

In  addition,  assistance  was  rendered  to  fugitive  negroes, 
even  more  energetically  than  before,  not  only  by  abolition- 
ists, but  also  by  some  of  those  who  were  merely  antislav- 
ery  in  sentiment,4  and  the  "Western  Citizen"  took  pains 
to  herald  the  escape  of  every  negro  as  a  triumph  for 
justice  and  righteousness.5 

The  indignation  which  the  decisions  in  the  Eells  and 
Willard  cases  had  aroused  in  the  abolition  camp  was 
before  long  almost  completely  allayed  by  the  decision  in 
Jarrot  vs.  Jarrot.6  This  was  the  case  of  a  so-called 
French  slave,  named  Joseph  Jarrot,  alias  Pete,  who, 
claiming  to  be  free,  sued  his  mistress,  Julia  Jarrot,  of 
Cohokia,  for  pay  for  his  past  services. 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  February  23,  1843. 

1  "Western  Citizen."  June  15,  1843. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  June  20,  1843. 

*See  cases  reported  in  "Western  Citizen"  on  April  6,  1843,  November  2, 
1843  f  Mendon);  February  20,  1845  (Eden;;  March  6,  1845  (Bristol);  November  3, 
1846  (Chicago);  November  23,  1847  (Bristol);  January  18,  1847  (Morgan  County); 
November  22,  1850  (Chicago  and  Quincy);  June  10,  1851  (Chicago). 

B  See  the  files  of  the  "Western  Citizen"  for  the  years  1844-1851,  and  the 
advertisement  of  the  Underground  Railway  in  that  paper,  July  18,  1844. 

8  2  Oilman,  i.    (Supreme  Court  Decisions.) 


SLAVERY  QUESTION   IN   THE  COURTS        1 17 

Pelagic,  his  mother,  was  bought  (at  four  years  of  age) 
together  with  her  mother,  Angelique,  by  Nicholas  Jarrot, 
of  Cohokia,  from  one  Le  Brun,  in  1/98.  Angelique,  the 
grandmother  of  Joseph,  had  been  owned  and  held  as 
a  slave  by  the  father-in-law  of  Le  Brun,  one  Joseph 
Trotier,  before  the  United  States  got  possession  of  the 
Illinois  Country.  Joseph  Jarrot,  who  was  therefore  a 
descendant  of  a  typical  French  slave,  was  bequeathed  in 
the  will  of  Nicholas  Jarrot,  dated  February  6,  1818,  to 
Julia  Jarrot,  the  appellee. 

The  case  was  first  tried  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  St. 
Clair  County,  in  1843,  before  Judge  Shields  and  jury, 
when  it  was  decided  that  a  slave  could  not  sue  his 
master  for  wages.1  The  Supreme  Court,  however,  re- 
versed this  in  1844,  declaring  that  "a  colored  person 
may  maintain  an  action  of  assumpsit  for  services  ren- 
dered, and  in  such  action  his  right  to  freedom  may  be 
tried."2 

The  court  then  heard  the  case  and  declared  that  "the 
descendants  of  the  slaves  of  the  old  French  settlers,  born 
since  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  and  before  or  since  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  Illinois,  cannot  be  held  in 
slavery  in  this  State."3  This  decision  was  based  almost 
entirely  upon  the  previous  judgments  of  the  Supreme 
Courts  of  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  and  Missouri, 
affirming  that  the  "deed  of  cession  by  Virginia  did  not 
deprive  Congress  of  the  power  to  pass  the  sixth  article 
of  the  Ordinance  of  1787,"*  and  that  residence  in  a 
free  territory,  when  the  master  voluntarily  settled 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  February  17,  1845,  and  "Chicago  Journal,"  February 
i,  1845. 

2  2  Oilman,  i. 

3  2  Oilman,  i.    Judges  Treat,  Thomas,  and  Shields  dissenting. 

*  Supreme  Court  Decisions  of  Louisiana;  20  Martin,  699.  Merry  vs.  Chex- 
naider;  tried  in  1830. 


n8  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

with  his  slaves,  entitled  such  negro  servants  to  their 
freedom.1 

The  effect  of  this  decision  was  most  fortunate  for  the 
negro.  It  not  only  admitted  him  to  the  right  to  sue  (for 
his  freedom)  in  the  courts,  but  it  practically  rendered  the 
holding  of  any  negro  indentured  servants  within  the  State 
illegal.  For  if  Illinois  was  a  free  State,  and  if  residence 
within  her  boundaries,  when  voluntary  on  the  master's 
part,  entitled  a  slave  to  his  freedom,  it  would  then  be 
impossible  for  any  citizen  of  the  State  to  hold  an  inden- 
tured negro  for  any  length  of  time  in  his  service.  Such 
at  least  was  the  interpretation  which  both  the  press 2  and 
people  of  the  State  3  put  upon  the  judgment  in  this  case  of 
Jarrot  vs.  Jarrot,  and  it  was  welcomed  as  a  great  triumph 
by  all  antislavery  men. 

The  Supreme  Court  Judges,  Wilson  and  Treat,  ex- 
pressed a  similar  opinion  two  years  later,  in  the  case  of 
General  Robert  Matteson.  Matteson  was  a  resident  of 
Bourbon  County,  Kentucky,  who  had  taken  up  a  tempo- 
rary residence  for  several  years  on  a  farm  in  Coles  County, 
Illinois,  where  he  had  brought  and  kept  for  some  two 
years  a  number  of  negro  slaves.  A  negro  woman  named 
Jane,  with  her  children,  learning  that  Matteson  was  about 
to  carry  them  back  to  Kentucky,  left  him  and  took  refuge 

1  Supreme  Court  Decisions  of  Mississippi;  Walker's  Mississippi  Reports, 
36.  Harvey  vs.  Dexter,  1818. 

Supreme  Court  Decisions  of  Indiana;  i  Blackf.,  60.  Indiana  vs.  Lasalle,  1820. 

Supreme  Court  Decisions  of  Missouri;  i  Missouri,  472.  Winny  vs.  White- 
side. 

Supreme  Court  Decisions  of  Missouri;  i  Missouri,  725.  Merry  vs.  Tiffen 
and  Menard,  1827. 

Supreme  Court  Decisions  of  Missouri;  5  Peters,  510.    Menard  vs.  Aspatia. 

?  The  "Western  Citizen,"  February  17, 1845,  spoke  of  the  event  thus:  "By 
this  decision,  it  is  said,  the  question  is  fully  settled  that  Illinois  is  a  free  State. 
Several  hundred  persons,  including  descendants,  we  are  told,  have  been  held 
in  slavery  in  the  region  of  the  country,  now  Illinois,  for  nearly  60  years." 

3  Mr.  Benjamin  W.  West,  a  Southerner,  still  living  at  Belleville,  Illinois, 
told  me  that  his  father  and  he  held  their  slaves,  which  had  been  brought  by  his 
father  from  Virginia,  in  their  service  until  the  decision  had  been  rendered  in 
the  Jarrot  case. 


SLAVERY   QUESTION   IN  THE  COURTS        119 

in  a  little  settlement  of  antislavery  Presbyterians  near  by. 
They  were  eventually  arrested  as  fugitive  slaves,  and 
through  the  influence  of  interested  abolitionists  the  case 
was  carried  to  the  Circuit  Court  of  Coles  County  in 
October,  1847.  Here  it  was  decided  that,  by  reason  of 
residence  in  the  free  State  of  Illinois,  Jane  and  her  chil- 
dren were  entitled  to  their  freedom.1  It  was  now  no 
longer  to  be  doubted  that  the  Supreme  Court  would 
remain  consistently  of  the  same  mind  as  in  the  Jarrot 
case. 

A  few  more  minor  cases  and  the  great  problems  of 
slavery  and  of  fugitive  slaves  were  definitely  settled,  as  far 
as  the  courts  were  concerned.  In  1849  the  Supreme 
Court  decided,  in  Thornton's  case,2  that  sections  5  and  6 
of  Chapter  74  of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  1845  [°r  the  old 
law  of  January  17,  1829,  wherein  it  was  provided  that 
fugitive  slaves  would  not  be  allowed  to  sue  for  freedom  in 
the  State,  but  should  be  sent  back  to  their  masters,  or 
sold  out  to  labor3]  were  unconstitutional,2  being  in  direct 
conflict  with  the  provisions  made  by  the  Congress 4  for  the 
capture  and  return  of  runaway  slaves. 

In  the  November  term  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  1852, 
the  interesting  case  of  Hone  vs.  Ammons5  was  decided. 
Hone,  claiming  the  ownership  of  a  negro  who  was  at  the 
time  at  large  somewhere  in  Illinois,  transferred  by  a  note 
the  said  aegro  to  Ammons,  a  citizen  of  Illinois,  in  pay- 
ment of  some  obligation  due  the  said  Ammons.  The  negro 
was  not  to  be  found,  and  Ammons  sued  Hone  for  his 

1  "Coles  County  Globe"  for  October;  "Charleston  (111.)  Globe"  for  October; 
"Western  Citizen,"  September  7  and  November  16,  1847. 

2  ii  Illinois,  332;  reaffirmed  by  Judge  Skinner  in  Adams  County  Circuit 
Court  in  1853;  "Free  West,"  December  8,  1853. 

3  Revised  Statutes  1845,  Chapter  74,  Sections  5  and  6;  and  Laws  of  1829, 
Act  Concerning  Negroes,  etc.,  Sections  2  and  4. 

4  Act  of  Congress,  passed  February  12,  1793. 
'  14  Illinois,  29. 


120  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

money.1  The  Supreme  Court  rendered  the  judgment 
that  "a  contract  made  in  Illinois  for  the  sale  of  a  person 
as  a  slave  who  is  in  the  State  at  the  time,  and  to  a  citizen 
of  the  State,  is  illegal  and  void."  2 

Still  another  phase  was  touched  upon  in  the  case  of 
Rodney  vs.  Illinois  Central  Railway  Company,3  where  the 
effect  of  the  laws  of  States  from  which  fugitives  should 
escape,  upon  the  condition  of  the  negro  in  Illinois,  was 
discussed  and  settled.  This  case  came  before  the  Supreme 
Court  in  November,  1857,  and  the  court  was  of  the  opin- 
ion that  the  laws  of  other  States  recognizing  slavery  can- 
not affect  the  condition  of  a  fugitive  in  Illinois,  so  as  to 
give  his  owner  any  property  in  or  control  over  him.* 

In  February,  1853,  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  passed 
a  law  forbidding  free  negroes  to  come  into  the  State  under 
a  penalty  of  a  fifty-dollar  fine,  or  sale  by  county  sheriff  to 
whosoever  would  pay  the  fine  and  costs  of  the  arrest 
and  sentence.5  It  was  some  years  before  a  test  case  came 
up  under  this  act.  Finally,  in  January,  1864,  the  ques- 
tion was  decided  in  Nelson  vs.  The  People,6  and  the 
Supreme  Court  gave  its  verdict  that  the  sale  of  a  negro 
under  the  Act  of  February  12,  1853,  does  not  reduce 
him  to  slavery.  This  is  the  last  word  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Illinois  on  the  subject  of  slaveholding,  or 
the  much-mooted  question  of  fugitive  negroes  within  the 
State. 

The  Legislature  had  its  last  word  a  year  later,  when  it 
finally  arose  to  the  occasion  and  wiped  out  from  the  Stat- 

1 14  Illinois,  29. 

1 14  Illinois,  29. 

3  19  Illinois,  43. 

*  Rodney  vs.  Illinois  Central  R.  R.  Co.,  19  Illinois,  43.  Opinion  read  by 
Judge  Skinner. 

6  Laws  of  1853,  February  12.  "An  Act  to  prevent  the  immigration  of  free 
negroes  into  this  State."  Sections  i-q. 

6  See  33  Illinois,  390. 


SLAVERY  QUESTION   IN  THE   COURTS        121 

ute  books  the  infamous  "Black  Laws."  '  They  had  been 
legally  in  force  in  the  State  for  forty-six  years,  in  spite 
of  all  petitions  to  the  Legislature  and  attempts  to  have 
them  repealed,  and  their  final  erasure  was  an  outcome  of 
the  struggle  of  1861-1865  between  the  North  and  the 
South.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Supreme  Court,  although 
cases  were  heard  on  the  subject  during  a  period  of  forty- 
five  years,  practically  decided  the  question  of  slaveholding 
in  Illinois  in  1845,  in  Jarrot  vs.  Jarrot,  or  at  the  end  of 
twenty-six  years. 

The  abolitionists  have  accused  the  Supreme  Court  of 
subserviency  to  the  "Slave  Power."  It  is,  indeed,  prac- 
tically impossible  to  prove  such  an  accusation  to  be  true, 
but  it  is  a  fact  that  several  judges  who  sat  upon  its  bench 
were  proslavery  in  their  sympathies.  Such  were  Theophi- 
lus  W.  Smith,  Judge  McLean,  Sidney  Breeze,  and  Jesse 
B.  Thomas,  all  of  whom  were  Conventionists  in  1823- 
1824.  It  may  be  true,  and  doubtless  is,  that  the  general 
feeling  in  the  State  on  the  slavery  question  was  reflected 
somewhat  in  the  members  of  its  Supreme  Court;  and  as 
the  universal  sentiment  changed,  the  sympathies  of  the 
judges  experienced  a  like  alteration. 

When  the  State  as  a  whole  felt  little  or  no  interest  in 
the  condition  of  the  indentured  negroes,  the  court  had  no 
incentive  to  declare  illegal  a  time-honored  custom  which 
some  of  its  members  even  were  practising.2  But  when 
the  cry  for  universal  freedom  began  to  shake  the  State 
from  end  to  end,  it  was  impossible  for  the  judges  to  re- 
main longer  uninfluenced  by  popular  sentiment.  So  up 

*  See  Acts  of  1865,  February  7;  "An  Act  to  repeal  Section  16  of  Division  III., 
Chapters  30  and  72." 

2  Randolph  County  Records  show  Jesse  B.  Thomas  as  registering  three 
negroes — Fanny,  aged  20,  on  January  27,  1800;  Abigail,  aged  28,  on  August  12, 
1813;  and  James,  aged  27,  on  June  21,  1814.  The  first  was  to  serve  n  years  and 
6  months,  and  the  last  two  30  years.  The  same  Records  show  Sidney  Breeze 
in  possession  of  a  negro  woman  and  her  infant  son  as  late  as  August  n,  iS~fc. 


122  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

to  1836  we  see  that  all  the  decisions  rendered  were  pro- 
tective of  the  indenture  system,  while  the  majority  of 
those  rendered  afterwards  were  destructive  of  it,  in  ten- 
dency, and  after  Jarrot  vs.  Jarrot,  in  1845,  every  judg- 
ment is  on  the  side  of  antislavery. 

The  period  of  greatest  struggle,  however,  and  of  great- 
est triumph  for  the  antislavery  advocates,  was  that  from 
1840  to  1845.  The  contest  during  these  five  years  was 
serious  and  stubbornly  carried  on.  It  involved  talent, 
ingenuity,  determination,  and  perseverance  on  both  sides. 
The  abolitionists  are  to  be  accredited  with  stirring  up  con- 
siderable interest  over  the  State  in  some  of  the  cases. 
Southern  sympathizers  and  the  holders  of  indentured  ser- 
vants in  the  southern  portion  of  the  State  were  naturally 
considerably  concerned  in  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  Still  there  seems  to  have  been  no  widespread 
interest  or  universal  agitation  in  the  State  over  this  con- 
test in  the  courts.  It  was  carried  on  chiefly  through  the 
benevolence  of  a  comparatively  small  number  of  citizens 
who  were  actuated  by  a  firm  belief  in  the  evils  of  slavery; 
while  the  brunt  of  the  fray  fell  to  a  few  able  and  devoted 
lawyers. 

Among  these  were  W.  T.  M.  Davis  of  Alton,  Nathaniel 
Niles  of  Belleville,  Gustav  Koerner  of  Belleville,  and 
Lyman  Trumbull.  James  H.  Collins,  a  noted  abolition 
lawyer  of  Chicago,  should  also  be  highly  praised  for  his 
work  in  the  Lovejoy  and  Willard  cases,  but  to  the 
other  men  the  real  victory  is  to  be  ascribed.  They  were 
the  most  powerful  friends  of  the  negro,  and  lived  where 
their  assistance  could  be  readily  secured.  They  told  the 
negroes  repeatedly  that  they  were  free,  urged  them  to 
leave  their  masters,  and  fought  their  cases  in  the  lower 
courts  time  and  time  again,  often  without  fees  or  remuner- 


SLAVERY  QUESTION   IN   THE   COURTS        123 

ation.  Chief  among  them  was  Lyman  Trumbull,  whose 
name  should  be  written  large  in  antislavery  annals. 

He  was  a  lawyer  of  rare  intellectual  endowments,  and 
of  great  ability.  He  had  few  equals  before  the  bar  in  his 
day.  In  politics  he  was  an  old-time  Democrat,  with  no 
leanings  toward  abolitionism,  but  possessing  an  honest 
desire  to  see  justice  done  the  negro  in  Illinois.  .  It  was  a 
thankless  task  in  those  days  of  prejudice  and  bitter  parti- 
san feeling  to  assume  the  role  of  defender  of  the  inden- 
tured slaves.  It  was  not  often  unattended  with  great  risk 
to  one's  person,1  as  well  as  to  one's  reputation  and  busi- 
ness. But  Trumbull  did  not  hesitate  to  undertake  the 
task,  thankless,  discouraging,  unremunerative  as  it  was, 
and  to  his  zeal,  courage,  and  perseverance,  as  well  as  to 
his  ability,  is  to  be  ascribed  the  ultimate  success  of  the 
appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court. 

This  disinterested  and  able  effort,  made  in  all  sincerity 
of  purpose,  and  void  of  all  appearance  of  self-elevation, 
rendered  him  justly  popular  throughout  the  State,  as  well 
as  in  the  region  of  his  home.  The  people  of  his  district 
showed  their  approval  of  his  work  and  their  confidence 
in  his  integrity  by  electing  him  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court  in  1848,  and  Congressman  from  the  Eighth 
District  of  Illinois  by  a  handsome  majority  in  1854,  when 
it  was  well  known  that  he  was  opposed  to  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill.2 

1  See  case  of  attack  on  Mr.  Whitehead,  a  lawyer,  of  St.  Louis,  who  was  de- 
fending a  nefero  in  a  lawsuitlat  Kaskaskia,  Illinois.     "Genius  of  Liberty,"  Octo- 
ber 2,  1841.    The  account  of  the  treatment  of  Whitehead  as  given  in  the 
"Genius  of  Liberty"  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  overdrawn,  according  to 
the  "Alton  Telegraph"  for  September  and  October,  1841. 

2  "Free  West,"  December  21,  1854,  and  all  the  papers  of  the  State  for  the 
same  month.    In  1855  Trumbull  was  elected  United  States  Senator. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE   BEGINNINGS    OF   THE   ANTISLAVERY 
AGITATION. 

^      The  contest  for  a  convention  in  1823-1824  was  neither 
a  real  nor  a  typical  slavery  contest — that  is,  one  concern- 
ing that  subject  per  se.     There  was  no  thought  or  dis- 
cussion regarding  the  existence  of  the  indentured  slaves 
i  within  the  State.      It  was  simply  and  solely  a  question 
I  whether    Illinois    should    adopt   completely   the   slavery 
(  system  of  the  South.     When  this  question  had  been  once 
settled  by.  the  vote  of  the  people,  all  discussion  in  the 
matter  speedily  ceased, /as  we  have  seen. 

Occasional  antislavery  articles  continued  to  appear  in 
Warren's  "Spectator,"  as  long  as  it  was  issued  in  Illi- 
nois.1 This  paper  soon  went  out  of  existence,  and  for 
the  next  ten  years  there  was  no  paper  in  the  State  that 
defended  the  rights  of  the  negro.  No  special  attention 
was  given  to  the  subject  by  the  other  papers.  Nor  was 
;  there  any  general  discussion  of  the  subject  attempted  by 
any  one  until  Elijah  Lovejoy  began  to  publish  antislavery 
articles  and  editorials  in  the  "Alton  Observer." 

During  this  time,  copies  of  Lundy's  "Genius  of  Uni- 
versal Emancipation,"2  Garrison's  "Liberator,"2  the 
"Emancipator,"  2  and  the  "Philanthropist"  2  of  Cincinnati 

1  "Edwardsville  Spectator,"  November  2, 1824;  October,  1826. 

*The  ''Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation"  was  started  in  Ohio  (Mt. 
Pleasant),  January,  1821,  and  was  the  pioneer  abolition  journal  in  the  United 
States.  The  "Liberator"  began  its  career  in  Boston,  in  18^1,  while  the 
"Philanthropist"  came  into  existence  in  Cincinnati  in  the  early  thirties.  The 
"Emancipator"  was  started  in  New  York,  later  Boston,  in  1834,  and  ran  till 
1848. 

I24 


ZEBINA   EASTMAN 

(From  Photograph  in  Possession  of  Hon.  Sidney  Eastman,  Chicago) 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION      125 

had  been  received  in  the  State,  and  the  seed  of  abolition- 
ism sown.  The  "Liberator"  and  the  "Philanthropist" 
had  the  largest  circulations.  All  thinking  men  into 
whose  hands  such  ably  conducted  papers  fell  could  hardly 
fail  to  be  moved  by  the  earnest  appeals  of  the  antislavery 
writers.  Here  and  there  able  and  good  men  were  won  to 
the  cause,  but  the  abolition  following  was  extremely  small 
before  1836. 

It  remained  for  the  "Alton  Observer"  to  stimulate  and 
unify  the  scattered  elements,  and  for  the  first  time,  to 
create  something  like  a  general  antislavery  sentiment 
within  the  State.  The  paper  had  been  running  hardly  a 
year  before  the  effect  of  Mr.  Lovejoy's  work  was  appar- 
ent, and  requests  for  the  formation  of  a  State  antislavery 
society  began  to  pour  in  upon  him  from  various  portions 
of  Illinois.  The  final  outcome,  as  has  been  shown,  was 
the  organization  of  the  Illinois  Antislavery  Society,  in/ 
October,  1837,  at  Upper  Alton,  with  a  membership  of 
fifty-five.1 

There  were  then  five  county  societies  in  existence,  only 
one  of  which — the  Adams  County  Society — was  founded 
before  i83/.2  These  five  societies — four  county  and  one 
State — might  be  called  Mr.  Lovejoy's  legacy  to  the  aboli- 
tion cause,  for  from  this  little  nucleus  were  to  come  the 
antislavery  agitation  and  the  Abolition  and  Liberty 
organizations  of  the  future. 

After  the  death  of  Mr.  Lovejoy  there  was  a  tempo- 
rary cessation  of  effort  on  the  part  of  the  abolitionists. 
Those  in  Alton  were  either  frightened  or  awed  into  silence, 

1  "Proceedings  of  the  Antislavery  Convention,"  1837,  page  5. 

3  The  five  were: 

Adams  County  Antislavery  Society,  founded  August,  1836, 
V  Will  County  Antislavery  Society,  founded  February,  1837. 
{   Madison  County  Antislavery  Society,  founded  August,  1837. 
I   Putnam  County  Antislavery  Society,  founded  July,  1837. 

Jersey  County  Antislavery  Society,  founded  in  1836. 


126  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

and  the  feeling  against  them  generally  was  known  to  be 
so  great  and  so  bitter,  that  they  felt  the  necessity  of 
proceeding  for  a  time  with  great  caution. 

The  "Observer"  was  reissued  at  Cincinnati  in  Decem- 
ber, 1837,  and  continued  with  Elisha  W.  Chester  as  editor, 
until  a  lack  of  funds  caused  its  suspension  in  April,  1838.' 
After  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  raise  the  necessary 
capital,  the  enterprise  was  abandoned ; 2  and  the  Illinois 
abolitionists  had  to  resort  once  more  to  the  columns  of  the 
"Philanthropist"  and  the  "Emancipator." 

The  demand  for  a  local  paper  continued,  and  in  May 
Benjamin  Lundy,  who  had  lately  been  burnt  out  in  Phila- 
delphia,3 was  invited  to  come  to  Illinois  with  his  press. 
It  was  thought  that  this  "nonresistant"  Quaker,  well 
known  for  his  prudence  and  moderation,  was  the  only 
person  whom  the  people  of  Illinois  were  likely  to  tolerate 
as  an  antislavery  editor.4  Yet  precautions  were  deemed 
necessary,  and  his  paper,  the  "Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,"  which  now  appeared  to  come  from  Hen- 
nepin,  was  actually  printed  in  Lowell,  Illinois.  Its  first 
issues  were  gotten  out  early  in  1839,  the  second  number 
bearing  the  date  February  26,  l839.5 

Mr.  Lundy  announced  the  policy  of  the  journal  to  be 
"the  advocacy  of  Free  Discussion,  the  Total  Abolition 
of  Slavery,  and  the  firm  establishment  of  the  Constitu- 
tional, inalienable,  and  universal  Rights  of  Man.  These 

1  See  the  numbers  of  the  "Observer"  from  December  28,  1837,  to  April  19, 
1838. 

1  Messrs.  Beecherand  Hale  were  sent  out  to  collect  money  and  subscrip- 
tions. Report  of  the  executive  committee  in  the  "Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,"  February  26,  1839. 

3  On  May  17,  1838.    For  an  account,  see  Wilson's  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the 
Slave  Power,"  page  297. 

4  Report  of  the  executive  committee,  dated  October    3,   1838;   see    the 
"Genius,"  February  26,  1839. 

6  Number  one  is  not  now  in  existence.  Numbers  two  to  twelve,  dated  at 
Hennepin,  mav  be  seen  at  the  Chicago  Historical  Society's  Library.  Lowell 
was  the  postoffice  for  the  hamlet  of  Hennepin. 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     127 

objects  are  sought  to  be  accomplished  by  the  promulga- 
tion of  facts  and  arguments,  by  moral  suasion,  by  appeals 
to  the  reason,  justice,  and  reflection  of  the  people  and 
their  representatives.  A  strict  neutrality  is  observed  with 
respect  to  the  general  doctrine  and  proceedings  of  religious 
sects  and  political  parties,  under  the  present  organi- 
zation."1 

Such  was  the  program  laid  down  by  this  generous, 
conscientious,  and  noble-minded  man,  and  which  he 
carried  out  faithfully  till  the  day  of  his  death.  His  sub- 
scription list  was  very  small,  and  the  abolitionists  of  Illinois 
gave  him  almost  no  financial  support.  So  Mr.  Lundy — 
laboring  often  under  great  disadvantages  and  almost  in 
poverty — had  to  publish  the  paper  chiefly  at  his  own 
expense. 

Lowell  was  then  a  little  village  of  hardly  more  than  a 
dozen  houses,  lying  on  the  banks  of  the  sluggish  Vermil- 
ion River.  Lundy 's  printing  "office"  consisted  of  a  one- 
room  building  about  twelve  feet  square,  and  made  of 
common  plank  set  up  edgeways.  Here  he  worked  and 
slept.  His  press  was  an  "old  iron  half-pattern  of  Dr. 
Franklin's  'Ramage,'  which  had  to  be  pulled  twice  to  get 
an  impression  of  one  side  of  his  little  sheet."  The  type 
were  worn  down,  battered  with  age  and  use,  and  filled 
with  dried  ink  of  bygone  years.  His  paper  was  given 
him  by  Christian  Donaldson  of  Cincinnati,  but  it  was  too 
small  foi  his  form,  so  that  the  columns  had  to  be  made 
over  to  fit  it. 

Mr.  Lundy  was  not  a  practical  printer,  and  suffered 
much  at  first  from  incompetent  workmen,  who  finally 
deserted  him,  leaving  him  alone  with  his  little  boy  and 
girl  to  get  out  the  paper.  At  length  Z.^Eastaian^ accus- 

1  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  No.  2. 


1 28  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

tomed  to  type-setting  as  well  as  to  the  duties  of  an  editor, 
arrived.  From  the  first  Mr.  Lundy  seems  to  have  reposed 
confidence  in  the  young  printer  from  the  East.  A  strong 
friendship  grew  up  between  them,  and  Mr.  Eastman  re- 
mained in  intimate  association  with  Mr.  Lundy  in  the 
publication  of  the  "Genius"  until  Mr.  Lundy 's  death,  in 
August,  I83Q.1 

Meanwhile  the  Illinois  Antislavery  Society  was  taking 
definite  steps  toward  the  organization  of  the  abolition 
movement  within  the  State.  It  held  its  first  annual  meet- 
ing in  Farmington,  in  October,  1838,  and  chose  officers 
and  a  board  of  managers  for  the  ensuing  year.  Ninety- 
nine  delegates  were  present,  representing  sixteen  Illinois 
counties,  and  including  two  representatives  from  the  Iowa 
and  Wisconsin  Territories.  The  Rev.  Chauncey  Cook 
was  selected  as  a  travelling  agent  for  the  society,  and  two 
thousand  dollars  was  voted  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the 
coming  year.  The  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation" 
was  adopted  as  the  official  organ  of  the  society,  and  the 
executive  committee  was  requested  to  evolve  a  plan  for 
the  promotion  of  the  abolition  work.2 

The  plan  proposed  involved  the  organization  of  anti- 
slavery  societies  in  every  county,  which  should  be  auxili- 
aries of  the  State  society.  They  were  to  hold  quarterly 
meetings,  engage  lecturers,  circulate  antislavery  pamphlets 
and  petitions  to  Congress,  raise  funds,  and  agitate  the 
subject  generally.  In  addition,  district  societies  were  to 
be  formed  in  every  town  or  neighborhood,  which  should 
hold  their  meetings  monthly  and  work  along  the  same 

1  Z.  Eastman  in  "Early  Abolitionism,"  article  in  the  "Chicago  Inter- 
Ocean,"  August  31,  1883;  see  also  article  on  "Lundy,"  in  the  "Chicago  Tri- 
bune," June  n,  1874;  and  an  unpublished  MS.  on  "History  of  Antislavery 
Reform." 

*  Minutes  of  the  convention  in  the  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation," 
February  26,  1839. 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     129 

lines  as  the  county  associations  of  which  they  were  to  be 
auxiliaries.  Antislavery  newspapers  and  almanacs  were 
to  be  circulated  as  far  as  possible.  Great  stress  was  laid  on 
individual  effort,  and  finally,  a  model  constitution  for  district 
societies  was  suggested  by  the  committee  in  their  plan. 

Weak  in  numbers,  deficient  in  effective  organization 
and  working  facilities,  cramped  by  great  financial  weak- 
ness, and  faced  on  all  sides  by  a  stern  opposition,  the 
Illinois  abolitionists  labored  on,  hopefully  and  earnestly, 
to  carry  out  during  the  year  that  followed — October, 
1838,  to  October,  1839 — the  proposed  scheme  of  organi- 
zation and  agitation.  During  that  time  three  county  and 
sixteen  district  societies  were  formed,  nineteen  in  all.  Of 
these,  nine  at  least  were  formed  directly  by  the  agency  of 
the  Illinois  Antislavery  Society.1  About  three  hundred 
and  fifty  members  were  added  to  the  ranks  of  antislavery 
adherents.  Of  these,  some  two  hundred  and  sixty  were 
won  over  through  the  labors  of  the  agent  of  the  State 
society,  Rev.  Chauncey  Cook.2 

Mr.  Cook  travelled  and  lectured  during  May  and  June 
in  the  Rock  River  district  and  in  Knox,  Fulton,  Peoria, 
and  La  Salle  counties.  His  own  description  of  his  tour 
gives  such  a  clear  and  interesting  picture  of  the  methods 
employed  by  the  abolitionists  and  of  the  reception  with 
which  their  doctrines  were  met  in  these  different  sections, 
that  we  qaote  it  almost  in  full.  "In  my  tour  in  the  Rock 
River  Country,"  writes  Mr.  Cook,  "I  visited  eleven 

1  See  file  of  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  February  to  September, 
1839;  county  societies  as  follows: 

LaSalle  County  Society,  March  13, 1839. 
Knox  County  Society,  May  13,  1839. 
Warren  County  Society,  March  2,  1830. 

And  District  Societies  as  follows:  Lyndon,  Delaware,  Florid  (M.  E.), 
Hadley,  Buffalo  Grove,  Daysville,  Franklin,  Bliss's  Grove,  Princeton,  Roches- 
ter, Farmington,  Canton,  Galesburg,  Indian  Creek,  Big  Grove,  and  Libbon. 

'Report  in  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  July  5,  1835;  in  Indian 
Creek,  Big  Grove,  and  Lisbon,  66;  in  other  places,  200;  total,  266. 


13°  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

towns,  and  delivered  twenty  lectures  in  the  various  places, 
generally  to  large  and  attentive  audiences.  A  new  anti- 
slavery  society  was  formed  at  Buffalo  Grove,  and  another 
at  Daysville,  while  I  was  there.  I  found  four  respectable 
societies  previously  organized  in  that  part  of  the  State. 
Some  collections  were  made  for  the  State  society  in  sev- 
eral places  that  I  visited,  viz.,  Lyndon,  Buffalo  Grove, 
Franklin,  Daysville,  Bliss's  Grove,  and  Princeton.  A 

I  formidable  opposition  to  my  labor  was  manifested  at 
Dixon's  Ferry,  at  the  Rock  River  Rapids,  Grand  De- 
tour, and  at  Oregon.  All  that  appeared  to  be  wanting 
in  other  places  was  light  on  the  subject,  to  bring  almost 
the  whole  population  on  the  side  of  the  oppressed. 

"After  my  return  ....  I  proceeded  to  the  coun- 
ties of  Knox,  Fulton,  Peoria,  etc.  In  this  journey  I 
visited  eight  towns  and  delivered  seventeen  lectures.  I 
found  one  society  at  Rochester,  in  Peoria  County,  and 
another  at  Knoxville.  At  Farmington,  Canton,  and 
Galesburg  I  found  societies  already  organized.  I  made 
some  collections  at  each  of  these  places,  and  also  at 
Knoxville.  Returning  ....  I  performed  a  tour 
through  LaSalle  County.  In  that  section  I  visited  five 
towns  and  delivered  fifteen  lectures.  I  succeeded  in 
organizing  three  societies,  viz.,  one  at  Indian  Creek,  of 
about  fifteen  members;  one  at  Big  Grove,  of  twenty-five 
members;  and  one  at  Lisbon,  of  twenty-six  members.  I 

»A  d* 

found  no  opposition,  except  at  Ottawa.  There  the  slave 
has  a  few  genuine  friends,  but  the  mass  of  the  people 
appear  to  wish  that  his  bands  shall  remain  unbroken.  To 
the  above  I  may  add  that  about  two  hundred  new  mem- 
bers have  joined  the  different  antislavery  societies,  in  the 
places  I  have  cited."1 

1  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  July  5,  1839. 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     131 

We  see,  then,  that  the  work  of  this  one  man  amounted 
to  twenty-four  towns  visited,  fifty-three  lectures  given, 
seven  Antislavery  Societies  founded,  and  two  hundred 
and  sixty-six  members  added  to  the  list  of  abolition  fol- 
lowers. It  is  not  likely  that  Mr.  Cook's  labors  were 
limited  to  these  two  or  three  months,  but  no  record  has 
been  preserved  of  any  further  work  on  his  part  that  year. 

In  addition,  the  Putnam  County  society  engaged  the 
Reverend  James  H.  Dickey,  of  Union  Grove,  to  make  a 
tour  of  several  places  in  the  northeastern  counties.  He 
endeavored  by  his  lectures  to  awaken  an  interest  in  anti- 
slavery  matters  among  the  people  and  the  churches  there, 
but  met  with  a  very  cold  reception,  the  doors  of  the 
churches  and  school-houses  being  generally  closed  to  him.1 

These  results  were  excellent  for  so  short  a  period,  and 
in  the  face  of  so  many  discouragements,  and  it  would 
seem  to  have  been  a  most  praiseworthy  exertion  on  the 
part  of  the  State  society  to  keep  such  an  agent  as 
Cook  in  the  field.  But,  in  fact,  the  society  did  not  sup- 
port him  at  all.  He  was  sustained  by  such  voluntary  con- 
tributions as  he  was  able  to  collect  in  the  various  cities 
and  towns  for  the  cause  of  freedom,  in  the  name  of  the 
Illinois  Antislavery  Society.  The  society  allowed  him 
this  privilege,  being  unable  to  pay  for  his  services.  The 
collections  were  paid  sometimes  in  money,  but  more  often 
in  farm  produce  and  in  articles  of  trade. 

This  policy  was  pursued  by  the  State  association  for 
several  years,  and  as  may  well  be  imagined,  the  agents 
had  a  hard  time  to  collect  enough  to  live  on.2  Still  it  was 
a  happy  expedient  for  the  society,  since  it  had  no  ready 
means  of  raising  funds  for  this  work  in  any  other  way. 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  December  4, 1841  (Letter  of  Dickey  to  Eastman). 

2  See  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  1830. 

"Genius  of  Liberty,"  1840-1842:  and  "Western  Citizen,"  1842-1845. 


132  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

It  was  thus  enabled  to  have  an  agent  and  to  be  relieved, 
at  the  same  time,  of  the  necessity  of  raising  funds  for  his 
salary.  The  agents  were  to  be  like  Wallenstein's  soldiers 
— self-supporting.  There  was  this  difference,  however: 
Wallenstein's  soldiers  lived,  for  the  most  part,  on  their 
foes,  while  the  abolition  agents  lived  on  their  friends  and 
patrons. 

The  greatest  obstacle  which  the  Illinois  Antislavery 
Society  had  to  overcome  was  trie  opposition,  everywhere 
displayed,  to  the  propagation  of  abolition  doctrines.  In 
many  localities  the  subject  of  slavery,  as  a  great  moral 
and  national  evil,  was  a  new  topic;  and  people  had  not  as 
yet  begun  seriously  to  think  about  it.  In  other  regions 
public  sentiment  was  strongly  antagonistic  to  abolitionism, 
its  methods,  and  its  promoters.  And  in  still  other  dis- 
tricts where  the  proslavery  element  was  in  the  ascendant, 
the  citizens  refused  to  allow  any  slavery  discussion  what- 
ever in  their  midst. 

Mr.  Lundy  died,  after  a  brief  illness,  on  August  22, 
1839,  and  the  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  after 
being  issued  in  several  different  States,1  closed  its  career, 
on  September  8  of  the  same  year,  in  Illinois.2  As  early 
as  July  5,  the  Putnam  County  Antislavery  Society  had 
urged  the  State  society  to  assume  the  expense  of  publish- 
ing the  "Genius,"3  and  the  executive  committee  of  the 
central  organization  had  talked  of  it.*  But  nothing  had 
been  done,  and  on  the  death  of  Mr.  Lundy,  it  stopped  for 
lack  of  support. 

1  It  had  been  printed  at  Mt.  Pleasant,  O.;  Jonesboro,  Tenn.;  Baltimore, 
Washington,  and  Philadelphia.  For  an  account  of  the  life  and  travels  of  Mr. 
Lundy.  see  "Life,  Travels,  and  Opinions  of  Benjamin  Lundy,'  Philadelphia, 
1847. 

"  After  August  21,  it  was  continued  by  Mr.  Eastman  at  the  request  of  the 
subscribers. 

s  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  July  12,  1839. 

4  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  July  26,  1839. 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     133 

For  over  a  year  Illinois  remained  without  a  local  anti- 
slavery  journal,  and  the  abolitionists  were  again  forced  to 
use  the  "Philanthropist"  of  Cincinnati  as  a  medium  for 
their  communications.  The  need  of  a  local  paper  was 
soon  greatly  felt.  The  Illinois  Antislavery  Society  at  its 
annual  meeting,  held  at  Princeton,  in  July,  1840,  passed 
a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  "the  necessities  of  the  anti- 
slavery  enterprise  most  imperatively  demand  the  establish- 
ment of  an  antislavery  paper  in  this  State,  and  we  cordially 
pledge  our  influence  and  patronage  to  sustain  it."  * 

But  contrary  to  the  hopes  of  many  of  the  abolitionists, 
the  executive  committee  was  not  authorized  to  undertake 
such  an  enterprise.  Nor  was  anything  further  done  by 
the  State  society  at  the  time.  It  was  the  same  story  of 
the  "agent"  repeated.  The  society  saw  the  need  of  an 
antislavery  paper  in  the  State  and  wished  to  see  one 
published  there,  if  it  were  self-supporting,  or  if  some 
one  would  undertake  the  risk  of  it,  but  it  was  unwilling 
to  undertake  such  a  publication  itself  for  lack  of  adequate 
funds. 

At  length,  when  it  was  seen  that  nothing  was  to  be 
expected  from  the  State  society,  the  LaSalle  County 
Antislavery  Society  authorized  its  board  of  managers  to 
publish  a  paper  in  their  name,  which  should  be  devoted 
exclusively  to  antislavery  interests  in  Illinois,  "a  sufficient 
number  of  individuals  having  previously  agreed  to  become 
responsible  for  its  pecuniary  concerns. "  2  Messrs.  Hooper 
Warren  and  Zebina  Eastman  were  engaged  as  editors  and 
publishing  agents. 

Mr.  Warren  we  remember  as  the  former  editor  of  the 
"Edwardsville  Spectator,"  the  only  antislavery  paper 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  December  19,  1840. 
'"Genius  of  Liberty,"  December  19,  1840. 


134  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

published  in  Illinois  during  the  Convention  struggle  in 
1823-1824.  He  had  been  engaged  in  publishing  a  paper 
in  Cincinnati  for  some  years  after  leaving  Edwardsville, 
but  was  living  in  Lowell,  LaSalle  County,  in  1840. 

Mr.  Eastman J  was  the  late  associate  of  Mr.  Lundy  on 
the  "Genius,"  as  has  been  shown.  He  had  managed, 
together  with  J.  A.  Tenney,  the  "Vermont  Free  Press," 
an  independent  sheet,  published  at  Fayetteville,  Vermont, 
in  1 834-1 83 5. 2  At  that  time  he  had  thought  the  abolition 
movement  ill-judged  and  ill-timed,3  and  like  Lovejoy,  he 
was  disposed  in  favor  of  freedom  but  slow  in  accepting 
the  platform  of  the  abolitionists  as  the  sole  remedy  for 
slavery.  The  friendship  of  Myron  Holly  and  the  death  of 
Lovejoy  seem  to  have  contributed  greatly  toward  making 
him  an  abolitionist.  Mr.  Eastman  was  naturally  philan- 
thropic, and  the  negroes  in  bondage  appealed  strongly  to 
the  best  in  his  character.4  He  was  a  member  of  no  politi- 
cal party,  but  at  the  time  he  began  his  labors  on  the 
"Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  he  aspired  to  see 
formed  "a  political  organization,  delivered  from  national 
apostasy,  which  should  administer  the  government  on  the 
doctrine  of  the  Fathers — the  natural  equality  of  all, ' '  to 
use  his  own  words.5 

The  new  paper  was  styled  the  "Genius  of  Liberty," 
and  its  first  number  appeared  on  Saturday,  December  19, 

1  Mrs.  Eastman  told  me,  in  a  personal  interview,  that  her  husband  prepared 
a  short  obituary  sketch  of  Mr.  Lundy,  which  so  pleased  the  abolitionists  that 
they  engaged  him  to  continue  Mr.  Lundy's  paper  and  work.    For  this  obituary 
sketch,  see  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  No.  10,  August  23,  1839;  see 
also  "Memorial  of  Zebina  Eastman,"  page  7. 

2  From  June  7,  1834  to  February  14,  1835;  see  file  in  Chicago  Historical 
Society,  and  "Memorial  to  Z.  Eastman,'  page  6. 

Mr.  Eastman  worked  at  times  also  on  the  "Hartford  Pearl"  and  "Peoria 
Register,"  of  which  Mr.  J.  Brown  Terrinton  was  editor,  and  on  the  "Amherst 
Gazette." 

8  The  "Vermont  Free  Press,"  July  13,  and  August  q,  1834. 

4  "Memorial,"  page  7. 

6  "The  Antislavery  Agitation  in  Illinois,"  page  664.  (Old  edition  of  Blan- 
chard's  "Illinois.") 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     135 

I84O.1  It  was  published  in  Lowell,  from  the  old  press  of 
the  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation, " 2  of  which  it 
proved  a  worthy  successor.  It  bore  the  same  motto  at  its 
head  as  its  predecessor,  and  in  its  prospectus,  we  are  told 
by  the  editors,  "But  as  the  'Genius  of  Universal  Emanci- 
pation' was  always,  it  will  be  the  object  of  the  publishers 
of  the  'Genius  of  Liberty'  to  make  it  the  fearless  and 
unflinching  opponent  of  oppression  in  every  form,  and  par- 
ticularly slavery  in  the  United  States." 

A  section  of  the  paper  was  also  to  be  devoted  to  "sub- 
jects that  will  elevate  the  morals,  expand  the  interests, 
improve  the  finer  feelings,  and  give  zest  and  stability  to 
the  social  and  democratic  relations  of  the  intelligent  and 
enlightened  freeman,  and  teach  him  the  better  to  observe 
and  discern  an  American's  rights  and  duties."  3  To  this 
end  articles  on  philosophy,  science,  political  economy, 
agriculture,  and  on  subjects  interesting  to  the  emigrant, 
were  to  be  introduced  from  time  to  time.  This  paper 
continued  to  be  issued  from  Lowell  for  over  a  year,  but 
in  the  summer  of  1842  the  enterprise  was  transferred  to 
Chicago  and  resumed  under  a  new  name. 

The  difficulties  of  supporting  an  abolition  paper  in  Illi- 
nois at  that  time  were  fully  realized  by  the  editors.  In 
the  first  issue,  Mr.  Eastman  made  an  urgent  appeal  to  all 
abolitionists  in  the  State  to  take  the  paper,  but  he  espe- 
cially requested  the  aid  of  all  the  friends  of  the  cause  in 
•the  East,  without  whose  support  he  deemed  the  journal 
:could  not  be  sustained. 

This  last  bears  eloquent  testimony  to  the  weakness  of 
I  the  abolition  forces  in  1840.     We  have  no  complete  infor- 

1  File  in  Chicago  Historical  Society,  Nos.  1-52,  December  19,  i840-April  2, 
1842. 

1  Eastman's  "Antislavery  Agitation  in  Illinois,"  page  665. 
*  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  December  19,  1840. 


I36  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

mation  concerning  the  results  of  the  efforts  of  the  Illinois 
Antislavery  Society  and  its  agents  in  that  year,  but  the 
little  that  has  been  preserved  to  us  is  far  from  encour- 
aging. The  Reverend  W.  T.  Allen  was  then  its  official 
representative,  and  his  report  for  the  months  of  Septem- 
ber, October,  and  November  shows  at  least  how  universal 
and  determined  the  opposition  was.1  He  covered  during 
this  period  the  region  between  Alton  and  Jacksonville, 
travelling  with  a  horse  and  wagon,  but  he  made  little 
^  impression  on  the  negro-hating  citizens  of  "Upper 
Egypt."  Most  of  them,  he  found,  were  Southerners, 
and  some  were  still  slaveholders.  Those  few  who  were 
in  favor  of  freedom  for  the  slaves,  advocated  the  coloni- 
zation plan,  and  did  not  want  any  free  negroes  in  the 
State.  Negro-hatred  was  the  great  sin  of  these  people, 
he  claimed. 

Five  lectures  were  delivered  in  peace  in  Upper  Alton, 
but  the  Mayor  of  Alton,  on  the  petition  of  the  citizens, 
caused  the  trustees  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  to  close 
its  doors  to  Mr.  Allen,  when  he  was  about  to  commence 
a  series  of  talks  there.  At  Manchester  and  Jerseyville  he 
was  disturbed  by  mobs;  and  opposition  to  his  work  was 
shown  in  other  places.  But  at  Salem,  Collinville  and 
Bethel,  he  was  well  received.  His  final  summary  of  the 
conditions  prevalent  in  this  district  is  noteworthy.  "The 
great  mass  of  the  people  in  this  section,"  he  wrote,  "are 
inaccessible  on  this  subject.  They  will  not  come  to  the 
light.  But  notwithstanding  all  this,  there  are  many  warm 
friends  to  the  slave,  and  the  cause  is  slowly  but  steadily 
advancing.  This  community  is  very  much  like  a  slave- 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  June  30,  1841.  Mr.  Cook  seems  to  have  been  still 
an  agent,  according  to  the  report  of  the  committee  on  funds,  at  the  July  meet- 
ing, 1841;  but  no  account  of  his  labors  has  been  preserved.  However,  we 
judge  from  this  report  that  he  was  still  in  the  society's  debt,  rather  than  its 
agent  in  1840-1841.  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  July  3,  1841. 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     137 

holding   community The  tenacity   and    strength 

of  the  people's  ignorance  are  indeed  astonishing."  * 
I  /    The  abortionists  thus  early  recognized  the  hopelessness 
,  jof     accomplishing    much     by    antislavery    agitation    in 
/"Egypt";  and  consequently  we  find  their  efforts  directed 
1  hereafter  largely  to  Central  and  Northern  Illinois. 

In  the  year  1841  we  find  increasing  activities,  although 
the  lack  of  sufficient  funds  was  still  severely  felt,  espe- 
cially by  the  editors  of  the  "Genius  of  Liberty."  On  the 
24th  of  February  a  special  meeting  of  the  Illinois  Anti- 
slavery  Society  was  held  at  Lowell.2  There  was  a  good 
attendance  and  the  best  of  feeling  animated  the  delegates. 
Great  interest  was  shown  in  the  topics  discussed,  and  some 
of  those  present  averred  that  this  was  the  most  enthusiastic 
abolition  meeting  ever  held  (up  to  that  time)  in  the  State.3 

Here  the  ground  was  taken  that  slavery  was  to  be  re- 
moved through  laws  on  the  subject,  and  therefore,  that  it 
was  inconsistent  and  suicidal  for  abolitionists  to  vote  for 
proslavery  men  for  legislative  and  executive  offices. 
Here,  too,  for  the  first  time,  the  agitation  of  the  temper- 
ance question  along  with  slavery  was  discussed.4 

The  society  then  recommended  its  executive  committee 
to  accept  the  offer  of  the  LaSalle  County  Antislavery 
Society  to  transfer  the  control  of  the  "Genius  of  Liberty" 
from  its  own  hands  to  those  of  the  State  society,  and  to 
make  that  paper  the  official  organ  of  the  Illinois  Anti- 
slavery  Society.5  This  the  committee  proceeded  to  do  at 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  January  30,  1841,  letter  from  Allen  dated  December 
7,  1840.  July  3,  1841,  report  of  the  executive  committee  of  the  Illinois  Anti- 
slavery  Society,  and  also  a  letter  from  Moses  Lemen,  of  the  "Lemen's  Settle- 
ment," near  Collinsville.  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  March  26,  1842. 

V'Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  27,  1841. 

3  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  27,  1841. 

*  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  27,  1841,  minutes  of  meeting's  and  resolu- 
tions passed. 

*  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  27, 1841;  one  hundred  and  sixty  dollars 
was  pledged  at  this  meeting  towards  its  support. 


I38  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

its  next  meeting,  on  July  5,'  and  the  "Genius  of  Liberty" 
bore  the  name  of  this  committee  at  its  head  from  July, 
1841,  till  April,  1842.) 

On  February  257  the  day  following  the  meeting  of  the 
Illinois  Antislavery  Society,  the  same  men  assembled,  with 
possibly  a  few  others,  in  an  Illinois  State  Antislavery 
Convention.  This  was  the  first  political  State  convention 
of  antislavery  men  in  Illinois.  Here  the  recent  action  of 
Congress  in  regard  to  receiving  petitions  was  discussed, 
and  the  question  of  sending  delegates  to  the  National 
Antislavery  Convention  to  be  held  at  New  York  in  May 
was  debated.  No  delegates  were  appointed,  but  the 
Reverend  John  Cross  was  deputed  to  convey  to  the  con- 
vention in  New  York  the  resolutions  of  this  meeting. 
These  resolutions  denounced  the  Congressional  action  on 
petitions  and  approved  the  movement  for  political  unity 
and  action  among  abolitionists,  in  the  interests  of  which 
the  New  York  convention  had  been  called.2 

The  attention  of  the  Illinois  abolitionists  throughout 
this  year  seem  to  have  centred  largely  upon  the  two 
topics  of  petitions  to  Congress  and  of  repeal  of  the 
"Black  Laws"  in  Illinois.  In  the  annual  report  of  the 
executive  committee,  made  at  the  annual  meeting  in  June, 
1841,  we  learn  that  two  hundred  copies  of  the  minutes  of 
the  last  annual  meeting,  in  which  both  subjects  are  urged 
by  resolutions,  had  been  distributed  in  the  State,  and 
that  five  hundred  copies  of  the  form  of  petitions  to  the 
State  Legislature  to  repeal  the  "Black  Code"  had  been 
printed  also,  and  in  large  part  distributed.3  In  addition, 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  July  10,  1841.  This  was  held  at  the  Union  Grove 
meeting-house.  This  committee  was  composed  of  H.  G.  Pendleton,  Owen 
Loveioy,  Chester  Dyer,  Z.  Eastman,  Caleb  Cook,  S.  D.  Laughlin,  R.  E.  VV. 
Adams,  H.  L.  Fulton,  J.  N.  Dickey,  James  Todd,  J.  Clark,  and  W.  Selby. 

3  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  27,  1841. 

3  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  July  3, 1841. 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     139 

the  "Genius  of  Liberty"  urged  continually  the  repeal  of 
the  "Black  Laws,"  and  asked  for  any  information  that 
would  expose  the  evils  arising  from  these  enactments,1  and 
in  July  a  petition  advocating  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  United  States,  and  signed  by  seventy-one  Illinois  abo- 
litionists, was  read  in  the  Senate.2 

The  agents  of  the  State  society  met  with  increasing 
success  in  their  efforts  during  this  year.  The  Rev.  W.  T. 
Allen  was  the  society's  chief  agent,3  but  in  October  the 
executive  committee  appointed  Elder  Edward  Matthews 
an  agent  for  Northern  Illinois  and  Wisconsin.4  Mr.  Allen 
was  not  permitted  to  speak  on  slavery  in  any  of  the 
churches  in  Springfield,  but  otherwise  he  was  able  to  hold 
meetings  in  most  of  the  places  which  he  visited,  without 
great  opposition.5  In  the  late  winter  and  spring,6  Mr. 
Allen  journeyed  into  the  "Military  District,"  where  his 
meetings  were  well  attended,  the  "interest  deep  and  the 
results  most  cheering." 

Later  he  worked  in  the  region  near  Springfield.  After 
the  middle  of  October,  he  travelled  northward  to  Chicago,7 
but  we  have  no  record  of  the  results  of  his  labors.  The 
Reverend  James  K.  Dickey  was  invited  to  speak  in  one  of 
the  towns  in  Putnam  County,  where  three  years  before, 
the  doors  had  been  closed  against  him,8  and  two  new  soci- 
eties were  formed  during  this  period — one  in  Taswell 
County  and  the  other  in  Chicago.9  Early  in  1842  two 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty"  for  1841,  especially  July  21  and  28. 

*  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  August  14,  1841. 

3  He  began  his  labors,  as  we  have  seen,  on  September  i,  1840,  in  "Upper 
Egypt." 

*  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  October  23,  1841. 

8  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  June  5,  1841  (letter  from  Allen,  dated  Groveland, 
May  27  . 

"Genius  of  Liberty,"  July  3,  1841;  report  of  committee. 

6  Three  months  previous  to  April  i. 

7  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  October  23,  1841. 

8  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  December  4,  1841.        , 

9  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  September  18,  1841,  and  January  15,  1842;  Taswell 
County  Antislavery  Society. 


1 4°  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

others  were  organized,  one  in  LaSalle  and  one  in  McHenry 
County.1 

The  results  of  this  year's  labor  are  more  apparent 
when  we  look  at  the  increase  of  the  abolition  vote  in  July. 
1841,  over  that  of  November,  1840.  The  gain  was  367, 
or  considerably  more  than  double  the  vote  of  i84O.2  This 
was  a  most  flattering  reward  for  their  efforts. 

The  financial  receipts  of  the  State  society  show  up 
fairly  well  on  paper  at  this  time,  but  in  actuality  they 
were  far  from  sufficient.  From  November,  1840,  to 
April,  1842,  the  total  sum  actually  received  by  the  treas- 
urer, as  far  as  reported  by  him  in  the  "Genius  of  Liberty," 
amounted  to  $689.49.  If  we  add  to  this  the  reported 
collections  of  the  society's  agent,  Mr.  Allen,  which  were 
$438.36^,  we  increase  this  total  income  to  $1,127.85^. 
Then,  if  we  unite  with  these  the  reported  income  of  the 
"Genius  of  Liberty"  for  the  same  period,  whose  manage- 
ment, as  we  have  seen,  the  society  had  assumed,  the  sum 
total  of  the  Illinois  Antislavery  Society's  direct  and  indi- 
rect receipts  reached  the  figure  of  $1,405.95^.  This 
sounds  well  for  so  young  and  feeble  a  society,  but  when 
one  remembers  that  $200  of  this  was  in  the  shape  of  a  lot 
in  Alton,  given  by  C.  W.  Hunter,3  and  that  a  very  large 
proportion  of  the  balance  was  paid  in  produce  and  articles 
of  trade,4  it  is  seen  that  this  sum  was  by  no  means  as 
effective  as  it  appeared.  When  we  consider  that  out  of 
this  fourteen  hundred  dollars  were  to  come  the  salaries 
of  the  travelling  agents,  the  support  of  the  "Genius  of 

1  Troy  Grove,  25  members  (LaSalle  County);  Cold  Spring  Prairie  (McHenry 
County),  33  members;  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  26  and  March  ig;  1842. 

"Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  27,  i84i-April  2,  1842. 

.  V*       *  The  vote  in  1840,  160;  and  in  1841,  527.    Most,  if  not  all,  of  the  abolitionists 
S  lived  in  the  third  district  at  this  time. 

3  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  October  2,  1841. 

*See  especially  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  October  2,  1841,  and  April  2,  1842; 
Allen's  report. 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     141 

Liberty,"  the  sums  for  the  printing  of  antislavery  pam- 
phlets and  tracts,  and  the  cash  for  numerous  incidental  ex- 
penses, it  is  readily  apparent  that  the  society's  income 
was  far  from  meeting  the  demands  upon  it.  In  point  of 
fact,  when  the  society's  agents  were  unable  to  raise 
enough  money  for  their  own  support,  and  were  compelled 
to  call  upon  the  society  for  the  balance  of  their  salaries, 
it  was  found  impossible  to  pay  them.  It  was  some  years 
before  this  debt  was  finally  discharged.1 

Meanwhile  the  "Genius  of  Liberty"  was  being  carried 
along  from  month  to  month  on  the  very  edge  of  bank- 
ruptcy. Editorially  it  was  ably  conducted,  but  having  no 
advertising  facilities,  it  had  to  depend  almost  wholly  on 
subscriptions.  This  was  practically  leaning  on  a  "broken 
reed"  in  those  days,  when  abolitionism  and  antislavery 
doctrines  were  unpopular,2  yet  every  effort  was  made  to 
put  it  on  a  self-supporting  basis.  Twenty-four  persons 
were  appointed  in  February,  1841,  as  agents  of  the  paper, 
in  different  parts  of  the  United  States,  of  whom  nine  were 
in  Illinois.3  In  October  the  number  was  increased  to 
thirty-nine,  of  whom  thirty  were  in  Illinois.4 

The  Illinois  Antislavery  Society  made  an  unavailing 
effort  at  the  same  time,  through  its  central  committee,  to 
increase  the  circulation.5  It  soon  began  to  look  as  if  the 
paper  would  have  to  be  given  up.  At  length,  after  con- 
sultation "vith  a  number  of  prominent  antislavery  men, 
especially  in  Chicago  and  Will  County,  it  was  decided  to 

1  Last  debt  on  this  score  was  paid  to  Mr.  Allen  at  the  ninth  anniversary  of 
the  society,  held  at  Princeton,  May  21,  1846;  and  the  debts  of  the  society 
cleared  up;  "Western  Citizen,"  June  10,  1846. 

2  Dr.  Charles  Volney  Dyer  was  the  first,  and  for  quite  a  time  the  only  sub- 
scriber in  Chicago.    Article  on  "Dyer"  in  the  "Chicago  Times"  at  the  time  of 
his  death,  April  31, 1878. 

3  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  27,  1841. 

4  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  October  16,  1841. 

•  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  27,  May  i,  October  2,  1841. 


H2  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

remove  the  journal  to  _  Chicago.1  Accordingly,  while 
arrangements  were  being  made  to  this  end,  the  "Genius 
of  Liberty"  was  temporarily  suspended,  its  last  Lowell 
issue  appearing  in  April,  1842* 

Besides  the  labors  of  the  State  society,  there  were 
active  efforts  to  win  over  antislavery  supporters  on  the  part 
of  the  county  and  district  associations,  especially  those  of 
Putnam  and  Will  counties.3  Meetings  were  held  at  least 
twice  a  year.  Pamphlets  and  tracts  were  distributed. 
Subscriptions  raised  for  the  "Genius,"  and  antislavery 
sermons  were  frequently  preached  by  ministers  whose 
sympathies  for  the  negro  drew  them  to  the  side  of 
freedom. 

One  of  the  leading  features  of  the  antislavery  move- 
ment in  Illinois  is  the  prominence  of  clergymen  among  its 
leaders  and  promoters.  Foremost  among  them  were 
Owen  Lovejoy,  John  Cross,  W.  T.  Allen,  Chauncey 
Cook,  and  James  H.  Dickey.  Moreover,  in  the  whole 
antislavery  ranks  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  find  a 
single  adherent  who  was  not  at  the  same  time  a  strong 
religious  believer.  In  fact,  the  organization  had  its  birth 
in  the  conviction  which  seized  upon  a  number  of  consci- 
entious, sincere,  and  zealous  souls,  that  slavery  was  for- 
bidden by  the  Bible,  and  therefore  a  sin. 

This  earnest  conviction  was  not  long  in  making  itself 
felt.  Men  conceived  it  their  religious  and  solemn  duty  to 
denounce  this  sin  and  to  plead  for  its  abolition.  They 
built  up  an  elaborate  defense  of  freedom  upon  the  teach- 
ings of  the  New  Testament,  which  they  styled  the  "Bible 
argument."  This  was  used  with  great  effect  by  many  of 
the  eloquent  antislavery  orators  in  their  political  speeches, 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  October  2,  1841;  April  2,  January  8,  1842. 
4  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  number  52,  dated  Saturday,  April  22. 
3  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  during  year  1841. 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     H3 

as  well  as  by  the  ministers  in  their  pulpits.  Abolitionists 
all  over  the  North  were  united  on  the  general  ground, 
that  slavery  was  a  great  moral  and  political  evil  and  ought 
to  be  abolished.  But  various  opinions  were  developed  as 
to  the  best  means  of  securing  this  end.  Some  were  con- 
servative and  temperate  in  their  views,  while  others  were 
combative  and  radical.  Still  others,  with  a  zeal  more 
earnest  than  prudent,  rushed  into  theories  and  practices 
that  were  ill-timed  and  well-nigh  fanatical.  The  abolition 
forces  were  therefore  soon  divided  into  dissenting  sects, 
when  unity  of  spirit  and  action  was  most  desirable  and 
necessary. 

In  the  East,  Garrison,  who  was  completely  carried 
away  with  the  moral  theory — to  abolish  slavery  through 
the  propagandism  of  immediate  and  unconditional  emanci- 
pation— declared  for  "no  union  with  slaveholders"  in 
Church  or  State.1  He  did  not  approve  of  carrying  the 
struggle  into  politics,2  which  action  numbers  of  the  ab- 
olitionists were  advocating  as  the  only  method  likely  to 
succeed.  Gerrit  Smith  and  his  followers  believed  that 
slavery  was  unconstitutional,  and  hoped  to  see  it  abolished 
by  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.  But  they  proved 
not  unwilling  to  use  the  ballot.3 

In  Illinois  there  were  no  divisions  as  yet.  All  was 
harmony  and  unity.  Her  abolitionists  believed  in  the, 

1  The  division  between  the  Garrison  faction  and  the  Liberty  party  aboli- 
tionists occurred  in  1840,  when  Birney,  G.  Smith,  Wright,  Earle,  the  Tappans, 
and  others  formed  the  "Foreign  and  American  Antislavery  Society,"    Wilson, 
Vol.  7,  page  288,  and  Von  Hoist,  Vol.  2,  page  290. 

2  "We  deprecate  the  organization  of  any  abolition  political  party,  because 
it  changes  the  moral  aspect  of  our  cause,  and  is  the  substitution  of  a  human  de- 
vice for  a  moral  instrumentality  to  extirpate  the  system  and  the  spirit  of 
slavery  from  the  land;"  report  of  American  Antislavery  Society,  1837,  page  13. 

3  "Antislavery  Agitation  in  Illinois,"  Eastman.     Lysander  Spooner  and 
William  Goodell  both  reached  this  conclusion  through  independent  reasoning; 
Smith  "Free  Soil  and  Abolition  Parties,"  page  98.    G.  Smith  tried  to  have  this 
sentiment  adopted  by  the  Liberty  Party  at  their  national  convention  at  Buf- 
falo in  1847,  and  by  the  Free  Soil  Party  ia  1852,  but  failed.    He  had  no  follow- 
ing to  speak  of  outside  of  New  York. 


144  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

/ 

saving  power  of  the  United  States  government,  if  the 
principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  were  once 
thoroughly  enforced.  In  the  words  of  one  of  their  lead- 
ers, "They  believed  in  the  necessity  of  continuing  to 
administer  the  national  government  on  the  principles  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  that  failing  to  do 
so,  all  political  parties  had  gone  into  a  state  of  apostasy. 
The  reform  in  Illinois  particularly  was  propagated  on  this 
basis.  Antislavery  men  here  were  trained  to  be  so,  on 
the  truth  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  They  were 
never  divided  or  troubled  with  the  divisions  that  charac- 
terized the  East,  under  the  stringent  lead  of  Garrison, 
Gerrit,  Smith,  or  Greely.  They  fellowshipped  with  all 
these,  but  followed  the  lead  of  none  of  them.  They  were 
working  for  a  genuine  Liberty  party  to  administer  the 
Government  on  the  Constitution  as  it  is  under  the  Declar- 
ation of  Independence  as  the  Magna  Charta."  l 

Here  the  writer  is  referring  primarily  to  the  abolition 
movement  in  the  State  before  1848,  and  to  the  men 
who  formed  the  Liberty  party.  His  assertions  are 
fully  borne  out  by  the  platforms  of  the  State,  county, 
and  district  Liberty  organizations  throughout  Illinois  (as 
we  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  note),  as  well  as  by  the 
principles  which  were  continually  maintained  in  their 
meetings. 

The  beginnings  of  an  agitation  attempted  by  these  men 
were  not  over-propitious.  Nor  was  their  organization 
thorough  and  effective,  owing  largely  to  a  lack  of  means. 
But  their  efforts  were  earnest,  sincere,  progressive,  and 
their  work  met  with  at  least  one  promising  result — it 
awoke  among  the  people  of  Illinois  a  lively  interest  in  the 

1  Eastman  in  "The  Antislavery  Agitation  in  Illinois,"  page  663.  (Blan- 
chard's  "Illinois,"  old  edition.) 


BEGINNINGS   OF  ANTISLAVERY  AGITATION     H5 

question  of  slavery,  it  started  an  impulse,  vigorous,  sym- 
pathetic, and  zealous,  in  favor  of  the  negro  and  freedom, 
which  refused  to  be  silent,  and  which  prepared  Illinois  to 
assume  a  prominent  role  in  the  great  antislavery  conflict 
that  followed. 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE   ORIGIN   OF  THE   ILLINOIS   LIBERTY 
PARTY  AND   THE   FREE    SOIL   PARTY. 

In  1840  the  abolitionists  of  Illinois  cast  one  hundred 
and  sixty  votes  for  James  G.  Birney,  the  national  Liberty 
candidate  for  President.1  This  was  the  first  abolition 
vote  polled  in  the  State;  and  in  it  only  twenty-two  out  of 
.  eighty-eight  counties  were  represented.  Of  these  Adams 
County  ranks  first  with  forty-two  votes,  Will  County 
second  with  sixteen,  and  then  Bureau,  Knox,  and  Putnam 
with  thirteen  each.  Cook  County  cast  but  one  ballot.2 
The  great  majority  of  votes  were  polled  in  the  North,  only 
twenty-two  having  been  received  south  of  Springfield.3 

At  that  time  there  was  no  organized  antislavery  party 
in  the  State.  Nor  was  there  any  systematic  or  extended 
canvass  made  to  secure  abolition  votes.  It  is  true  that 
an  antislavery  convention  was  held  in  Farmington4  to 
nominate  presidential  electors.  This  was  done  more  from 
necessity — that  the  abolitionists  of  Illinois  might  cast  a 
presidential  vote — than  from  any  largely  prevalent  desire 
for  a  State  organization.  The  scarcity  of  antislavery 
adherents  (and  they  were  widely  scattered  over  the  State) , 
the  lack  of  funds  and  of  proper  facilities  for  maintaining 
a  central  organization,  the  diversity  of  opinion  among  the 

1  Records  of  elections,  page  302,  Springfield,  Illinois. 

'The  honor  of  casting  this  vote  in  Chicago  lies  between  Dr.  Dyer  and 
Calvin  DeWolf. 

'These  were  deposited  as  follows:  Green  County,  3;  Jersey,  n;  Madison, 
3;  and  Morgan,  5. 

*See  Mr.  Eastman's  article  on  "Dr.  Dyer,"  in  the  "Chicago  Times,"  April 
30,  1878. 

146 


OWEN  LOVEJOY 
(From  Photograph  in  Possession  of  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy,  Princeton,  Illinois) 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     H7 

abolitionists  as  to  the  propriety  of  political  action,1  and 
the  lack  of  a  partisan  paper,2  would  certainly  have  pre- 
cluded a  State  organization  for  political  purposes  at  the 
time,  if  it  had  been  attempted.  But  the  effort  was  not 
made,  nor  does  the  question  seem  to  have  been  even 
thought  of  seriously.  The  time  was  not  yet  propitious. 

Those  abolitionists  favorable  to  political  action  were, 
however,  not  idle.  As  early  as  September,  1839,  the 
Illinois  Antislavery  Society  was  urging  every  abolitionist 
to  carry  his  "abolition  principles  to  the  polls"  with  him.3 
No  definite  steps  were  taken  toward  political  organization 
until  nearly  two  years  later,  and  these  only  for  local 
purposes. 

In  January,  1841,  an  antislavery  convention  of  the 
third  Congressional  district  was  held  at  Galesburg,  and 
the  Honorable  Fred  Collins  nominated  for  Congress.4 
The  result  of  this  Congressional  campaign,  ending  the 
following  July,  was  very  gratifying  to  the  abolitionists. 
Although  they  could  not  hope  to  elect  Mr.  Collins,  they 
succeeded  in  raising  their  total  vote  in  the  district  to  527. 5 
This  was  more  than  double  the  entire  State  ballot  oi""the 
previous  year,6  and  small  as  it  may  seem,  it  controlled 
the  balance  of  power  in  the  third  district.7  This  gain 

1  Mr.  Eastman  assures  us  in  1842  that  many  of  the  members  of  the  Illinois 
Antislavery  Society  did  not  believe  in  the  use  of  political  measures.  "West- 
ern Citizen,"  January  i,  1842. 

'This  election  came  in  the  interval  between  the  suspension  of  Lundy's 
"Genius"  (September,  1839),  and  the  commencement  of  the  "Genius  of 
Liberty,"  by  Warren  and  Eastman  (in  December,  1840). 

3  See  the  resolutions  of  the  Illinois  Antislavery  Society,  published  in  the 
"Philanthropist,"  November  26, 1839. 

*  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  June  19, 1841. 

5  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  September  18,  1841. 

•  However,  this  district  embraced  nearly  the  whole  of  the  antislavery  re-. 
gion  of  the  State. 

7  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  November  6, 1841,  Democratic  vote 34,542 

Whig  vole  34,i88 

Democratic  majority 354 


148  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

shows  the  results  of  the  first  political  antislavery  agitation 
in  Illinois,  promoted  by  the  travelling  agents  of  the  Illi- 
nois Antislavery  Society,  the  county  and  district  societies, 
and-^tte-^^enius  of  Liberty." 

Mr.  Collins  was  the  only  abolition  candidate  put  in 
nomination  in  this  Congressional  election;  but  the  effort 
was  a  praiseworthy  one,  and  did  much  toward  awakening 
an  interest  in  their  cause  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State. 

It  has  been  shown  in  the  preceding  chapter  how  the 
first  political  antislavery  State  convention  was  held  at 
Lowell,  in  February,  1841.  The  committee  of  corres- 
pondence, appointed"  ~at -this  convention,  summoned,  in 
February,  1842,  a  "Liberty  State  Convention,"  to  meet 
in  Chicago  the  following  May.1  This  May  gathering  was 
the  first  real  Liberty  State  convention,  and  was  attended 
by  one  hundred  and  six  delegates.  Cook  County  had  a 
large  representation,  and  a  number  of  Chicago 2  men  took 
a  prominent  part  in  the  debates  and  work  of  the  assembly. 
Among  these  latter  were  Dr.  C.  V.  Dyer,  Calvin  DeWolf, 
S.  D.  Childs,  J.  H.  Collins,  Henry  Smith,  and  Philo 
Carpenter,  and  from  that  time  on  the  "Windy  City" 
became  the  chief  centre  of  the  abolition  movement  in  the 
State. 

This  May  convention  adopted  the  platform  of  the  na- 
tional Liberty  party,  which  had  for  its  central  plank  the 
abolition  of  slavery,3  and  added  one  other  issue,  the  repeal 
of  the  Illinois  "Black  Laws."  Charles  W.  Hunter,  of 
Alton,  was  nominated  for  Governor,  and  Frederick  Collins, 

1  "Genius  of  Liberty,"  February  19,  27,  1842. 

3  The  Chicago  delegation  numbered  twenty-eight. 

3  On  this  point  the  platform  (as  given  in  an  article  headed  "Address  to  the 
Electors  of  Illinois,"  "Western  Citizen,''  July  26,  1842),  reads:  "All  that  the 
power  of  the  government  legitimately  administered  can  do — -all  that  its  honest 
patronage  and  indirect  moral  influence  can  effect  toward  the  extirpation 

thrpughout  the  Union — of  all  this  we  are  in  favor We  contemplate 

no  invasion  of  the  rights  of  others." 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     149 

of  Adams  County,  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  A  State 
central  committee,  numbering  five,  was  appointed  to 
assume  the  direction  of  the  coming  campaign,  and  it  was 
determined  to  establish  an  antislavery  newspaper  in 
Chicago.1 

To  raise  the  necessary  funds  for  the  paper,  it  was 
decided  to  issue  a  thousand  dollars  of  stock  to  be  taken 
by  the  subscribers  at  five  dollars  a  share.  Only  eight 
hundred  dollars  worth  of  stock  was,  however,  subscribed, 
and  of  this  but  five  hundred  dollars  was  ever  paid  in. 
Mr.  Eastman  was  engaged  as  editor,  and  agreed  to  keep 
the  paper  going  five  years  if  properly  supported.2  The 
subscription  list  of  the  old  "Genius  of  Liberty"  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  new  sheet,  which  started  with  four  hundred 
subscribers.  By  the  end  of  the  first  year  its  circulation 
had  increased  to  a  thousand,  and  in  1846  it  passed  the 
two-thousand  mark.3 

The  new  paper,  the  "Western  Citizen,"  soon  became 
the  most  potent  force  of  the  Illinois  Liberty  party.  Its 
call  for  freedom  was  ever  clear,  strong,  effective.  There 
was  nothing  radical  or  fanatical  in  the  conduct  of  the 
paper.  Its  editorials  were  conservative,  clean,  honest, 
straightforward.  The  editor's  heart  and  conscience  kept 
pace  with  his  hand.  His  policy  was  always  earnest  and 
progressive.  Ever  bold  to  denounce  the  moral  and  politi- 
cal evils  of  his  time,  always  alert  to  show  up  the  errors 
and  mistakes  of  his  political  opponents,  Mr.  Eastman 
conducted  the  "Western  Citizen"  with  moderation,  jus- 
tice, and  integrity,  at  a  period  when  impetuous  partisan- 
ship, insincerity,  and  unscrupulous  political  apostasy 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  July  26,  1842. 

2  "Western  Citizen,"  October  18,  1853,  editorial;  Mr.  Eastman's  name  does 
not  appear  on  the  paper  till  July  27,  1843. 

3  Report  of  Press  Committee,   "Western  Citizen,"  September   14,  1843; 
February  23,  1847;  editorial,  October  18,  1853. 


150  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

characterized  too  generally  the  press  of  the  State   and 
nation. 

The  policy  of  the  new  Liberty  party  was  defined  in  the 
opening  issue  of  the  "Western  Citizen."  It  wished  to 
"save  this  nation  from  the  evils  and  curse  of  slavery,  and 
from  the  political  degeneracy  which  has  fallen  upon  us." 
This  the  party  proposed  to  accomplish  by  advocating  its 
principles  with  energy  and  fearlessness,  but  they  wished 
it  distinctly  understood  that  their  course  was  "reforma- 
tory and  not  destructive."  ' 

The  abolitionists  now  devoted  their  energies  to  the 
promotion  of  a  systematic  and  complete  political  organiza- 
tion. The  State  Liberty  party  increased  steadily  in  num- 
bers, in  resources,  and  in  effectiveness.  District  and 
county  associations  were  speedily  formed  in  Northern  and 
Central  Illinois.  Liberty  nominees  were  placed  in  candi- 
dacy at  all  State  elections,  and  in  many  district,  county, 
and  town  contests.  The  first  counties  to  hold  Liberty 
conventions  and  to  nominate  Liberty  candidates  were 
Bureau,  Cook,  Will,  Kendall,  Winnebago,  La  Salle,  Kane, 
Putnam,  Marshall,  Fulton,  and  Knox — eleven  in  all.^ 
This  was  in  the  summer  of  1842.  By  June,  1846,  there 
were  twenty-seven  counties  regularly  nominating  Liberty 
candidates.3 

The  result  of  the  gubernatorial  election  of  1842  was 
encouraging.  The  antislavery  vote  for  governor  was  nine 
hundred  and  thirty-one/  a  gain  of  four  hundred  and  four 
votes  over  the  abolition  ballot  of  1841.  There  were 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  July  26, 1842. 

4  "Western  Citizen,"  July  26,  1842.  Dr.  Smith,  in  his  "History  of  the 
Liberty  and  Free  Soil  Parties,"  page  57,  says  there  were  twenty  counties  mak- 
ing regular  Liberty  nominations  in  1842,  but  he  gives  no  authority  for  the 
statement,  nor  does  he  name  the  counties. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  June  17,  1846. 

*  Official  returns  quoted  in  "Western  Citizen,"  October  12, 1843. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     151 

returns  from  thirty-seven  counties,  an  increase  of  nine 
over  the  previous  year,  the  highest  number  of  votes  being 
cast  in  Adams  County. 

The  next  year  (1843)  came  the  Congressional  elections, 
and  the  Liberty  men  put  their  shoulders  to  the  wheel  again 
with  zeal  and  earnestness.  Candidates  were  placed  in 
nomination  during  June  and  July  in  five  out  of  the  seven  1 
districts  of  the  State — in  the  first,  fourth,  fifth,  sixth,  and 
seventh.2  At  the  invitation  of  Mr.  Eastman,  Mr.  Ichabod 
Codding  came  from  Connecticut  to  speak  for  freedom.3 
In  company  with  Mr.  J.  H.  Henderson,  the  Liberty 
candidate  for  the  fourth  district,  he  made  an  extensive 
canvass  of  that  district.  In  the  course  of  their  journey, 
they  met  the  Rev.  John  Cross,  Mr.  Farnum,  and  Owen 
Lovejoy,  who  were  also  engaged  in  making  speeches  for 
the  Liberty  candidates.* 

Ichabod  Codding  was  an  orator  of  considerable  power. 
So,  too,  was  Owen  Lovejoy.  Their  eloquent  and  con- 
vincing speeches  did  as  much  toward  winning  votes  for 
their  party,  as  their  clean-cut,  moderate  arguments  and 
gentlemanly  treatment  of  opponents  did  toward  populariz- 
ing the  antislavery  cause.  /Always  in  demand,  ever  faith- 
ful  to  principles,  devoted  to  liberty,  self-sacrificing,  ener- 
getic, courageous,  and  kindly  spirited,  these  men  became 
the  idols  ^f  the  Illinois  Liberty  party,  and  appear  as  two 
of  the  most  striking  figures  on  the  political  stage  during 
this  period. 

The  political  canvass  of  1843  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  energetic  or  organized  outside  of  the  fourth  district, 

1  By  the  apportionment  of  March  i,  1843,  Illinois  was  divided  into  seven 
Congressional  districts. 

2  See  "Western  Citizen"  for  June  and  July,  1843. 

3  Eastman  in  "Antislavery  Agitation  in  Illinois,"  Blanchard's  "Illinois." 
*  Letter  from  Codding  in  the  "Western  Citizen,"  August  10,  1843. 


I52  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

yet  the  outcome  of  the  elections  was  highly  creditable  to 
the  Liberty  men.  Their  total  vote  cast  was  nineteen 
hundred  and  fifty-four,  more  than  double  the  ballot  of  the 
preceding  year.  Returns  came  in  from  forty-four  coun- 
ties, Kane  County  leading  with  a  hundred  and  seventy- 
five.  The  greatest  gain  by  districts  was  ;n  the  fourth, 
where  the  vote  rose  within  a  year  from  three  hundred  and 
fifty-three  to  eL?en  hundred  and  seventy- four.1 

In  estimating  the  cause  of  these  successes,  the  work  of 
the  Illinois  Antislavery  Society  should  not  be  overlooked. 
Between  July,  1842,  and  July,  1843,  f°ur  county  and  four 
local  societies  were  organized,2  and  from  four  to  five  hun- 
dred adherents  acquired  for  the  antislavery  cause.  Elder 
Matthews 3  was  kept  at  work  in  Southern  Wisconsin,  and 
the  Wisconsin  Antislavery  Society  organized  at  Delavan 
in  August,  1842.*  The  Rev.  T.  W.  Allen  was  called 
again  into  the  field  and  lectured  at  Magnolia,  Springfield, 
Winchester,  and  Jacksonville.5  Numbers  of  antislavery 
tracts  also  were  distributed,  but  on  the  whole  the  work 
of  the  State  society  was  far,  from  satisfactory.  It  was 
severely  handicapped  by  a  lack  of  funds  and  supporters. 
;  The  abolition  movement  in  Illinois  had  become,  after  May, 
1842,  a  political  rather  than  a  moral  agitation,  and  the 
Illinois  Antislavery  Society,  although  it  existed  until  1848, 
remained  only  an  adjunct  of  the  State  Liberty  party. 

The  Liberty  leaders  now  thought  of  replacing  the  local 
antislavery  societies  by  "Liberty  associations,"  which 
should  serve  as  centres  for  political  agitation.  The  first 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  October  12,  1843. 

a  "Western  Citizen";  the  four  counties  were  Kane,  DeKalb,  Lake,  and 
DuPage. 

3  See  Matthews' reports  in  the  "Western  Citizen,"  October  7,  14,  21,  1842. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  September  23,  October  31,  1842;  and  January  18,  1843. 

8  "Western  Citizen,"  August  5,  1842;  and  Allen's  report  in  the  issue  of 
February  23, 1843.  '•* 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     153 

of  these  associations  was  organized  in  Chicago  in  October, 
I843,1  and  served  as  a  model  for  the  rest.  Every  mem- 
ber was  pledged  not  to  vote  for  any  "slaveholder,  apolo- 
gist for  slavery, ' '  or  person  who  was  not  committed  to  the 
cause  of  freedom,  and  to  use  his  influence  with  others  for 
the  same  end.  The  associations  were  to  meet  four  times 
yearly,  and  raise  funds  for  the  State  Liberty  party.  Dur- 
ing the  next  three  years  fourteen  were  organized,2  but 
they  never  became  of  vital  value  to  the  party. 

In  January,  1844,  a  Liberty  State  convention  was  held 
at,  Aurora  to  prepare  for  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
that  year.  There  were  one  hundred  and  ten  delegates 
present,  but  only  nine  counties  represented,  owing  to  the 
rough  roads  and  bad  weather.  It  was,  however,  an 
enthusiastic  and  harmonious  meeting,  the  members  all 
working  together  in  complete  unison  and  sympathy.3 
Presidential  electors  were  appointed,  female  Liberty  asso- 
ciations approved,  three  thousand  dollars  voted  for  cam- 
paign purposes,  and  it  was  agreed  that  no  one  should  be 
recognized  as  an  abolitionist  who  did  not  vote  the  "Lib- 
erty ticket."*  "The  delegates  returned  to  their  homes," 
wrote  Mr.  Codding,  who  was  present,  "in  high  spirits 
and  holy  purposes,  and  with  unquenchable  enthusiasm — 
their  motto  will  be,  Work!  Work!  Work!"  5 

The  campaign  of  1844 — Presidential,  Congressional, 
and  local — was  begun  early.  In  February  Mr.  Codding 
made  a  very  successful  tour  in  Lake  County.  Large 
meetings  were  held  everywhere,  and  he  was  accompanied 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  October  12, 1843. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  October  12, 1843,  to  April  22,  1846. 

8  "Western  Citizen,"  February  i,  1844.  It  was  the  "largest  and  best  anti- 
slavery  meeting  ever  held  in  the  State,"  according  to  Mr.  Eastman. 

*  "Western  Citizen"  (Minutes,  Resolutions  Nos.  7,  13,   16),  February  i, 
1844.    $796.28  was  pledged  and  part  raised  at  this  convention. 

6  "Western  Citizen,"  February  i,  1844. 


154  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

by  Mr.  William  Jones,  a  free  colored  man,  who  told  how 
he  had  been  robbed  and  kidnapped  in  Chicago.1  It  soon 
became  the  custom  for  the  abolition  orators  to  take  around 
with  them  on  their  campaigns  former  slaves,  or  free 
negroes  whom  slaveholders'  agents  had  attempted  to  kid- 
nap. The  stories  of  these  negroes  never  failed  to  be 
received  with  telling  effect. 

In  the  municipal  elections  in  Chicago  in  March,  the 
Liberty  party  secured  one  triumph.  .  It  elected  one  alder- 
man— Ira  Miltmore — in  the  third  ward.  This  is  the  first 
victory  of  the  Liberty  party  in  Illinois,  and  it  was  with 
such  minor  successes  that  they  had  to  content  themselves 
for  some  years.  The  returns  show,  however,  that  Chicago 
had  at  least  quadrupled  her  Liberty  vote  in  the  year 
I843-I844.2 

By  the  middle  of  March,  1844,  numerous  counties — 
both  those  that  had  organized  Liberty  associations  and 
many  that  had  not — were  holding  conventions,  raising 
money,  distributing  tracts,  holding  special  meetings,  and 
appointing  active  committees.3  From  May  16  to  August 
3  Mr.  Codding  canvassed  and  lectured  in  eighteen  coun- 
ties.* District  conventions  were  held  in  the  first,  fourth, 
fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  Congressional  districts,  and  Lib- 
erty candidates  nominated.  State  Representatives  and 
Senators  were  nominated  by  the  Liberty  men  in  various 
sections  of  the  State,5  and  in  spite  of  the  many  discour- 
agements, the  campaign  was  pushed  strenuously. 

The  Congressional  election  came  first,  being  held  early 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  February  i,  13,  1844. 

'"Western  Citizen,"  February  29,  and  March  14, 1844. 

Vote  for  Mayor,  1843,  45;  in  1844,  193. 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  March  21,  April  25, 1844. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  May  o,  1844.  Will,  Woodford,  Adams,  Fulton,  La- 
Salle,  Peoria,  Hancock,  Knox,  Putnam,  Morgan,  McDonough,  Warren,  Henry, 
Stark,  Marshall,  McLean,  Vermilion,  and  Cook. 

5  "Western  Citizen,"  May  23  to  June  27,  and  September  5,  1844. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     155 

in  August.  The  returns  were  again  encouraging.  In  the 
five  districts  where  Liberty  candidates  were  nominated, 
the  total  vote  amounted  to  3,149  ballots,1  a  gain  of  1,195 
over  the  Congressional  vote  of  1843.  This  was  indeed  a 
flattering  increase  for  one  year's  work.  No  Liberty  can- 
didate for  the  higher  offices  had  as  yet  been  elected,  but 
in  one  of  the  local  contests  they  won  this  August  their 
second  victory,  by  the  election  of  Peter  Adams  as  Justice 
of  Peace  in  the  West  Juliet  (now  Joliet)  district.2 

In  November  the  Presidential  election  occurred,  at 
which  time  the  Liberty  men  of  Illinois  cast  3,469  votes 
for  Birney,  the  national  Liberty  party  candidate.3  In  this 
vote  fifty-five  counties  were  represented,  of  which  ten 
gave  Liberty  returns  for  the  first  time.  It  would  seem  as 
if  there  had  been  a  real  gain  of  three  hundred  and  twenty 
votes  by  the  abolitionists  between  August  and  November, 
but  this  was  not  the  fact.  Some  gain  there  doubtless  was, 
yet  the  difference  between  the  Congressional  and  the 
Presidential  votes  is  largely  to  be  accounted  for  by  the 
fact,  that  in  the  former  election  the  Illinois  antislavery 
voters  were  largely  influenced  by  local  preferences  and 
circumstances,  while  in  the  latter  contest  they  voted 
for  Birney  simply  as  a  matter  of  principle.  The  Presi- 
dential vote,  then,  should  show  more  accurately  the  real 
strength  of  the  Liberty  party  of  Illinois  in  1844.  If  we 
compare  this  with  the  abolition  vote  in  1840,  we  see  at  a 
glance  that  the  percentage  of  gain  was  very  considerable, 
— from  1 60  to  3,469  votes.  This  sounds  large,  but  when 
we  remember  that  the  population  of  Illinois  in  1840  was 
476,183,  it  is  apparent  how  very  slow  the  people  were 

'  "Western  Citizen,"  September  5, 1844.  See  also  table  of  antislavery  votes 
from  1840  on  in  Appendix. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  September  5,  1844. 

'Secretary  of  State's  Record  of  Elections  (Springfield),  page  422. 


I5b  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

generally  to  accept  the  antislavery  propaganda.  The  gain 
in  abolition  votes  fell  very  far  short,  even  of  the  increase 
in  the  popular  vote  during  the  same  four  years.1 

Many  men  were  opposed  to  slavery, — the  larger  pro- 
portion of  the  inhabitants  living  north  of  Springfield 
doubtless, — but  comparatively  few  were  as  yet  ready  to 
join  a  political  party  organized  expressly  to  abolish  negro 
servitude.  Then,  too,  the  Democrats  possessed  a  major- 
ity of  the  votes  in  these  years.2  To  these  staunch  sup- 
porters of  "State  rights"  nothing  could  have  been  more 
repugnant  than  a  party  which  would  seem  to  have  been 
organized  for  the  express  purpose  of  forcing  the  Southern 
States  to  abolish  slavery.  \,The  antislavery  propaganda — 
political  and  moral — met  thus  with  so  much  opposition 
and  so  little  general  acceptance  that,  if  things  had  gone  on 
under  the  then  existing  conditions,  slavery  would  doubtless 
have  been  still  in  existence  in  these  United  States.  J 

In  spite  of  the  unpopularity  of  their  cause,  and  the 
limited  number  of  its  supporters,  the  abolitionists  were 
not  at  all  discouraged  by  the  slowness  with  which  new 
recruits  were  added.  They  rejoiced  over  the  progress 
already  made,  and  when  the  time  arrived  to  prepare  for 
the  Gubernatorial  and  Congressional  elections  of  1846, 
they  were  early  in  the  field  with  their  candidates,  and  made 
preparations  for  a  more  active  and  extended  canvass  of 
the  State  than  any  they  had  ever  before  attempted.  All 
'  the  Congressional  districts,  save  the  second,  held  Lib- 
erty  conventions  and  nominated  Liberty  candidates.3 

1  The  increase  in  the  total  Presidential  vote  in  Illinois  in  those  four  years 
was  14,005;  in  1840,  93,013;  in  1844,  107,018.    Moses'  "Illinois,"  II.,  page  1212. 

2  The  Democratic  party  controlled  all  general  elections  in  the  State  from 
its  admission  into  the  Union  in  1818  till  1856,  when  the  Republicans  elected  the 
Governor  by  a  majority  of  4,732  votes.    Table  in  Moses'  "Illinois,"  11.,  page  1212. 

3  This  was  one  more  than  in  1843  and  1844,  the  3d  District  having  at 
length  put  a  candidate,  Elijah  Bacon,  of  Edgar  County,  in  the  field.    Owen 
Lovejoy  was  nominated  in  the  Fourth  District,  and  WaitTalcott,  in  the  Sixth. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     157 

On  May  20,  the  Liberty  State  convention  was  held 
at  Princeton.  It  was  "numerously  attended,"  writes 
Eastman,  "and  characterized  by  a  noble  enthusiasm  and  a 
brotherly  spirit."  Richard  Eells,1  of  Adams  County,  was 
nominated  for  Governor,  and  Abraham  Smith,  of  Vermil- 
ion County,  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  Then  the  following 
plan  was  adopted  for  more  systematic  and  effective  work 
in  the  coming  campaign.  A  central  committee  of  five 
was  appointed  to  have  charge  of  the  whole  State  canvass. 
A  committee  of  three  in  each  county  should  manage  the 
campaign  in  their  respective  districts.  The  county  com- 
mittees should  appoint  committees  of  three  members  each 
in  every  precinct,  and  the  precinct  committees  in  turn  were 
to  appoint  a  committee  in  each  School  District.  The 
county  committees  must  of  course  be  appointed  by  the 
Liberty  county  conventions,  which  should  be  called  for  this 
purpose  and  to  nominate  men  for  local  offices.  The  counties 
also  were  expected  to  contribute  to  the  campaign  fund.2 

How  far  this  plan  was  actually  carried  out  cannot  be 
completely  ascertained  at  present.  A  State  central  com- 
mittee was  appointed  by  the  convention  at  Princeton,  and 
did  excellent  work.3  It  urged  the  plan  of  the  State  Lib- 
erty party  on  the  Liberty  men  in  the  various  counties,  but 
they  seem  to  have  been  very  slow  in  taking  it  up.  Twenty 
thousand  tracts,  of  which  about  five  thousand  were  those 
containing  the  Slave  Code  of  Illinois,  were  printed  and 
distributed  by  the  State  committee.  A  special  committee 
of  three  was  appointed  by  it,  to  manage  the  campaign  in 
the  fourth  district. 

1  This  is  the  same  R.  Eells  who  figured  in  the  famous  case  of  R.  Eells  vs. 
the  People.    4  Scammon,  498. 

2  "Western  Citizen,"  June  3  and  10,  1846. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  June  3,  1846.    This  committee  consisted  of  East- 
man, L.  C.  F.  Freer,  Philo  Carpenter,  of  Chicago;  I.  Codding,  of  Will  County; 
and  M.  Pettengill,  of  Peoria. 


158  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

In  this  same  district  eleven  counties  appointed  cam- 
paign committees,  and  it  was  decided  to  make  a  special 
effort  to  carry  this  (fourth)  Congressional  district  for 
Owen  Lovejoy.  Mr.  Lovejoy  "took  the  stump"  in  May, 
and  from  then  till  August  he  was  actively  engaged  in 
making  a  thorough  canvass  of  the  whole  district.  He 
addressed  large  meetings  everywhere,  and  in  some  places, 
like  St.  Charles,  he  spoke  to  assemblies  of  five  thousand. 
Mr.  Codding  had  an  equally  successful  tour  not  only  in 
the  fourth  district,  but  also  in  other  parts  of  the  State. 
The  "Western  Citizen"  got  out  a  weekly  campaign 
edition,  which  rose  from  a  circulation  of  3,100,  on  May 
27,  to  3,648,  on  July  14. '  Of  these  1,300  were  special 
campaign  subscriptions.2 

A  second  abolition  paper,  called  the  "Liberty  Banner," 
was  started  in  Rock  Island,  in  April,  by  C.  B.  Waite,3  and 
a  monthly  periodical,  entitled  the  "Liberty  Tree,"  was 
begun  by  Eastman  and  Davidson.4  In  Chicago  and  Cook 
County  greater  efforts  were  put  forth  than  ever  before, 
and  the  greatest  enthusiasm  prevailed.  The  Chicago 
Liberty  Association  hired  the  City  Saloon — the  largest 
and  most  convenient  hall  in  town — located  on  the  corner 
of  Lake  and  Clark  streets,  for  six  months.  Mass  meet- 
ings were  held  there  twice  a  week,  and  on  Sunday  night. 
All  the  prominent  abolition  speakers  of  the  State,  and 
some  from  the  East,  made  addresses  at  different  times. 
These  meetings  were  enlivened  with  music,  furnished  by 
the  Liberty  Choir  and  the  Chicago  Brass  Band.5 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  June  i,  10,  23;  July  14,  27;  April  29, 1846. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  July  14,  1846. 

3  See  the  prospectus  of  the  paper  in  "Western  Citizen"  of  April  29,  1846. 
Waite  was  a  voung  lawyer  of  Northwestern  Illinois,  and  thought  the  State 
would  support  two  abolition  papers. 

*This  was  continued  two  years. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  May  6, 1846,  and  following-  numbers. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     159 

Cook  County  was  districted,  and  from  one  to  three 
meetings  were  held  in  each  district  per  week.  On  June 
4,  a  Northwestern  Liberty  Convention  was  held  in 
Chicago.  There  was  great  enthusiasm  manifested,  and 
at  the  evening  meeting  six  thousand  are  reported  as  being 
present.  Many  speeches  were  made  by  prominent  men, 
including  Lovejoy  and  Codding,  and  popular  slavery  songs 
were  sung  by  the  choir  and  audience.1 

The  result  of  all  these  efforts  was  apparent  as  soon  as 
the  election  returns  were  made.  The  Liberty  vote  for 
Governor  was  5,147,  an  increase  of  over  1,600,  greater 
than  the  Presidential  vote  of  1844.  The  total  Liberty 
Congressional  vote  figured  up  to  5,220,  but  the  best 
showing  was  made  in  the  fourth  district,  where  Mr.  Owen 
Lovejoy  received  3,531  ballots — almost  double  the  vote 
in  the  same  district  in  i844-2  This  was  so  encouraging 
that  the  Liberty  convention  of  the  fourth  district,  held  at 
Elgin,  in  February,  1847,  decided  to  begin  preparations 
immediately  "to  carry  the  district  in  1848."  As  an 
effective  means  of  preparation,  it  was  decided  to  make  a 
special  effort  to  elect  the  local  Liberty  candidates  in 
the  August  elections  of  1847,  m  Lake,  McHenry,  Kane, 
De  Kalb,  Du  Page,  Kendall,  and  Bureau  counties./  A 
committee  of  three  was  appointed  to  have  charge  of  this 
preliminary  campaign  work.  Money  was  to  be  raised 
among  the  various  counties  to  support  one  permanent 
lecturer.  Each  county  was  recommended  to  name  cam- 
paign committees,  and  subscriptions  to  the  amount  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  were  asked  to  sustain  the 
tract  enterprise  for  the  coming  year.3 

The  abolitionists  of  the  fourth  district  did  not  long 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  June  30,  1846. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  September  8, 1846. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  February  23,  1847. 


160  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

delay  in  carrying  out  this  plan.  They  held  two  more  dis- 
trict conventions  that  year.1  They  appointed  Henry 
Bibb,  of  Michigan,  lecturer,2  and  made  Mr.  A.  St.  Clair 
the  financial  agent  and  corresponding  secretary  of  their 
central  committee.3  C.  M.  Hawley,  of  the  State  Liberty 
Committee,  of  New  York,  in  company  with  Lewis  Wash- 
ington, an  escaped  slave,  made  a  tour  of  Northern  Illinois 
and  Southern  Wisconsin  during  the  months  of  June  and 
July,  speaking  in  all  the  principal  towns.  Will,  Du  Page, 
McHenry,  Putnam,  Bureau,  De  Kalb,  Lee,  Lake,  Kane, 
Kendall,  Cook,  Winnebago,  and  Whiteside  counties  made 
local  Liberty  nominations,  and  one  county  at  least — 
Whiteside — supported  its  own  abolition  lecturer. 

The  project  was  entertained  in  June  of  publishing  a 
monthly  paper  called  the  "Campaign  Western  Citizen," 
which  was  to  be  made  up  from  matter  published  in  the 
"Western  Citizen,"  and  to  be  one-half  its  size.  Mr. 
Eastman  reports,  on  October  27,  1847,  the  receipt  of 
several  hundred  subscriptions  for  this  paper,  and  in  April, 
1848,  its  regular  issuance  had  begun. 

The  August  election  at  length  took  place,  but  the  abo- 
litionists failed  to  elect  any  of  their  candidates  to  the 
higher  offices  in  any  of  the  counties  in  the  fourth  district, 
though  in  Kane  County  they  elected  a  justice  of  the  peace, 
and  a  constable  in  the  Elgin  precinct.4 

While  the  campaign  was  in  progress,  another  election 
had  taken  place,  which  clearly  showed  how  these  August 
elections  would  result.  This  was  the  election  of  delegates 
to  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1847,  that  occurred 

1  At  Aurora,  June  16  and  17,  and  August  Q. 

8  Minutes  of  Aurora  convention,  June  16;  "Western  Citizen,"  June  22, 
1847. 

3  Minutes  of  Aurora  convention,  August  9,  in  "Western  Citizen,"  August 
17,  i847. 

4 ''Western  Citizen,"  June  15,  August  3  and  10,  1847. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     161 

on  April  19.  In  these  contests  the  abolitionists  only  suc- 
ceeded in  electing  one  delegate.  This  was  Mr.  Hurlburt 
Swan,  in  Lake  County,  but  even  this  victory  was  due 
largely  to  Whig  votes.1 

Hardly  were  the  local  elections  of  August  decided 
when  the  fourth  district  abolitionists  were  again  in  con- 
vention.2 They  voted  to  raise  five  thousand  dollars  for 
the  campaign  of  1848,  offered  a  thirty-dollar  prize  for  the 
best  tract  against  slavery,  resolved  to  hold  County  Lib- 
erty Conventions  in  each  county  during  the  fall,  and  to 
prepare  a  plan  for  a  general  canvass  of  the  district  in  the 
winter.3 

The  abolitionists  of  the  southern  counties  were  not 
much  behind  their  northern  brethren.  On  October  6,  at 
Eden,  a  Southern  Illinois  Liberty  Convention  was  held.* 
Here  a  committee  of  ten  was  appointed  to  agitate  on  the 
subject  of  slavery  in  that  part  of  the  State,  to  prepare 
for  the  coming  campaign,  and  to  consider  the  question 
of  establishing  an  antislavery  paper  in  the  southern 
district.  In  addition  the  Southern  abolitionists  expressed 
their  disapproval  of  the  proposed  State  Constitution 
(1848),  because  it  restricted  citizenship  to  white  persons 
and  because  of  Article  XIV.,  prohibiting  free  persons  of 
color  from  immigrating  to  and  settling  in  the  State. 
They  urged  every  antislavery  man  to  vote  against  it. 
These  last  sentiments  were  indorsed  at  the  State  Liberty 
convention,  held  in  Chicago  in  February,  i8485;  and 
all  through  this  period  the  abolitionists  steadily  opposed 
any  discrimination  against  the  negro,  the  Mexican  War, 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  May  4,  1847;  returns  of  election  given. 

2  On  August  9,  at  Aurora. 

3  Minutes  given  in  "Western  Citizen,"  August  17,  1847. 

*  Minutes  given  in  "Western  Citizen,"  November  2,  1847. 
s  "Western  Citizen,"  February  15,  1848,  and  "Chicago  Journal,"  February 
10, 1848. 


1 62  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

or  the  acquisition  of  Texas,  and  advocated  the  repeal  of 
the  Illinois  "Black  Laws." 

The  campaign  of  1848  came.  The  antislavery  men  of 
the  fourth  district  were  the  first  in  the  field.  In  February 
they  nominated  Owen  Lovejoy  for  Congress,  appointed  a 
committee  of  five  to  manage  the  campaign,  and  raised 
three  hundred  and  eighty-eight  dollars  by  subscription.1 
In  April,  Mr.  Lovejoy  "took  the  stump,"  and  made  a 
thorough  canvass,  while  his  candidacy  was  ably  supported  in 
the  "Western  Citizen."  He  was  accompanied  by  James 
Perry,  who  enlivened  the  meetings  with  antislavery  songs.2 

All  the  other  Congressional  districts  followed  with 
Liberty  nominations.3  James  E.  Burr  and  John  P.  Hale  lec- 
tured in  Northern  Illinois  during  May  and  June,  and  in  July 
the  State  Liberty  party  nominated  Dr.  Charles  V.  Dyer  for 
Governor  and  Henry  W.  Snow  for  Lieutenant  Governor.4 

Peace  had  been  made  with  Mexico  in  February  (1848), 
and  a  large  territory  acquired  by  the  United  States. 
Should  this  be  a  free  or  a  slave  district?  was  the  vital 
question  that  now  forced  itself  upon  the  public  mind. 
The  South  demanded  that  a  part  at  least  should  be  open 
to  slavery,  while  many  in  the  North  did  not  hesitate  to 
raise  the  cry,  "No  more  slave  territory."  A  fierce  con- 
troversy arose  in  Congress  and  throughout  the  country  on 
the  question.5  In  this,  Illinois  had  her  share,  and  a 
strong  sentiment  of  opposition  to  the  increase  of  slave 
territory  soon  made  itself  manifest — even  among  the 
Whigs  and  Democrats. 

1  "Chicago  Journal,"  February  10,  1848. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  April  18,  25,  1848. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  April  i,  July  4,  1848. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  July  11,  1848. 

"See  Von  Hoist  "Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States,"  Vol.  III., 
Chapter  Vlll.,  page  348,  and  following,  for  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  situation 
at  this  time. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     163 

The  abolitionists  early  perceived  this  growing  move- 
ment against  slavery  extension.  The  question  then  arose 
— in  the  very  outset  of  the  campaign  of  1848 — should 
they  unite  with  those  men  who  were  opposed  to  further 
slave  extension?  or  should  they  go  their  own  way  inde- 
pendent of  all  other  parties  or  factions?  Already,  at  their 
national  convention,  held  in  Buffalo,  on  October  20-21, 
1847,  the  Liberty  party  had  put  John  P.  Hale  and  Leices- 
ter King  in  nomination  for  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice-President.  The  Liberty  men  of  Illinois  were  fully 
in  sympathy  with  these  nominations,1  but  they  showed 
themselves  ready  to  unite  with  any  other  party  that  was 
truly  opposed  to  slavery  and  its  extension,  declaring  that 
in  so  doing  they  in  no  way  retreated  from  their  cardinal 
principle — the  total  abolition  of  slavery.2 

With  reference  to  the  Ohio  Wilmot  Proviso  conven- 
tion, Mr.  Eastman  wrote  early  in  June:  "The  call  is  not 
definite  on  other  points  than  the  Proviso,  yet  it  speaks  the 
language  of  abolitionism.  If  it  is  simply  for  the  forma- 
tion of  a  party  on  the  single  issue  of  the  extension  of 
slavery,  we  hope  it  will  meet  with  no  more  success  than 
any  other  convulsive  movements  of  conscience-stricken 
men.  As  some  of  the  first  fruit  of  the  seed  of  our  sow- 
ing, of  course  we  would  not  disown  it."  3 

Speaking  of  the  resolutions  passed  by  the  Barn-burners 

1  Nominations  approved  by  resolution  at  State  Convention  in  Chicago  on 
February  q,  1848,  and  in  State  Convention  at  Hennepin,  July  4  and  5,  1848; 
"Western  Citizen,"  February  15  and  July  n,  1848. 

"The  Liberty  men  also,  at  their  State  convention  on  July  4  and  5,  unani- 
mously voted  "That  we  hail  with  pleasure  the  indications  of  any  advance  in  the 
cause  of  liberty  by  any  seceding  portion  of  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties, 
but  we  can  never  consent  to  turn  aside  from  the  primary  object  of  our  organi- 
zation, the  entire  abolition  of  slavery,  to  amalgamate  with  any  party  whose 
highest  aim  is  only  to  limit  its  extension."  "Western  Citizen,"  July  n,  1848. 
Minutes  of  Convention,  printed  in  full. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  June  6,  1848.  The  Wilmot  Proviso  men  met  at  j 
Columbus  on  June  22,  nominated  the  same  candidates  as  the  Liberty  party  had  / 
done  in  October,  1847,  and  called  a  general  antislavery  convention  at  Buffalo  / 
for  August  9,  1848.  / 


164  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

of  New  York  in  their  convention  at  Utica,  on  June  23, 
"We  have  not  indorsed  them,  nor  shall  we  do  so.  If 
they  are  honest  in  their  antislavery  professions,  and  shall 
come  nobly  up  to  the  platform  of  aggressive  antislavery 
political  action,  so  far  as  such  action  maybe  constitutional, 
we  will  not  insist,  as  a  test  of  our  co-operation  with  them, 
that  their  views  as  to  what  may  be  constitutional  shall 
come  up  to  ours,  who  have  been  there  fifteen  years, 
closely  studying  this  subject."  : 

While  the  Liberty  men  of  Illinois  were  not  ready  to 
indorse  the  action  of  the  New  York  Barn-burners,  they 
approved  in  general  the  step  which  the  latter  had  taken 
against  slavery.  They  hoped  there  would  be  a  union  of 
the  Ohio  and  New  York  liberals  in  the  coming  Buffalo 
convention  in  August,  and  felt  that  all  antislavery  advo- 
cates— Wilmot  Proviso  partisans,  Barn-burners,  Liberty, 
or  Free  Soil  men — should  unite  to  bring  this  convention 
up  to  the  highest  and  purest  antislavery  standard.2  It 
was  the  earnest  belief  that  each  faction  should  come  pre- 
pared, in  all  sincerity  and  loyalty,  to  surrender  party  ideals 
and  distinctions,  for  the  sake  of  principle  and  union.3 

On  July  4-5,  1848,  the  Liberty  party  of  Illinois  held  a 
State  convention  at  Hennepin  to  discuss  the  matter  of 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  July  4, 1848.  The  "Barn-burners"  or  Free  Soil  Demo- 
crats of  New  York  State  had  bolted  from  the  Democratic  National  Convention 
at  Baltimore  on  May  22, 1848;  and  held  this  convention  at  Utica,  June  23,  where 
they  nominated  Van  Buren  for  the  presidency.  In  August  they  joined  with  the 
Liberty  men  in  the  antislavery  convention  at  Buffalo. 

'Editorial  in  "Western  Citizen,"  July  4,  1848.  "All  should  unite  in  bring- 
ing that  meeting  (Buffalo  convention)  up  to  the  proper  standard."  And 
"Western  Citizen,"  June  27,  1848,  where  the  editor  urges  union  of  Ohio  lib- 
erals and  New  York  Barn-burners;  and  "The  time  for  a  death  struggle  seems 
to  have  come,  and  if  the  advance  of  the  enemy  is  not  brought  to  a  stand  at 
this  point,  we  very  much  fear  for  the  consequences — not  that  slavery  will 
ultimately  triumph,  but  that  the  struggle  will  be  indefinitely  postponed. 

3  Minutes  of  meetings  at  Bristol,  Warrenville,  and  Roscoe,  in  "Western 
Citizen,"  July  11, 1848,  in  first  of  which  it  was  resolved:  "That  we  here  to  day 
(June  29)  lay  aside  all  party  preference,  and  unite  on  the  platform  of  Free  Soil, 
Free  Labor,  and  Free  Men,  Equal  Representation,  and  constitutional  opposi- 
tion to  slavery."  "That  party  names  were  things  of  no  importance,  principles 
and  objects  alone  were  to  be  tenaciously  adhered  to."  (McClellan's  Keport  of 
the  State  Liberty  Convention  at  Hennepin,  July  4-5.) 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES      165 

sending  delegates  to  the  Buffalo  convention.  By  unani- 
mous agreement  nine  delegates  were  appointed  to  repre- 
sent the  State,1  to  defend  the  principles  of  the  Liberty 
party,  and  to  "induce  if  possible  that  convention  to  con- 
firm the  nomination  of  John  P.  Hale  and  Leicester  King." 
In  the  discussion  which  ensued  in  the  Hennepin  con- 
vention, as  to  what  instructions  should  be  given  to  the 
Illinois  delegates,  considerable  difference  of  opinion  was 
shown  to  exist  as  to  the  exact  part  the  Liberty  men  should 
play  in  the  Buffalo  convention.  On  the  whole,  the  major- 
ity wished  to  be  conservative.  They  would  not  pledge 
themselves  under  any  circumstances  to  give  up  their 
national  candidates,  or  to  unite  on  any  platform  which 
should  seem  to  them  to  contain  any  departure  from  the 
cardinal  principles  of  the  abolitionists.  There  was  a  dis- 
agreement as  to  what  interpretation  of  the  principle — 
"Constitutional  opposition  to  slavery" — should  be  main- 
tained at  the  Buffalo  convention.2  "For,"  wrote  Mr. 
McClellan,  assistant  editor  of  the  "Western  Citizen," 
who  was  present  at  the  Hennepin  convention,  "a  jealousy 
for  the  integrity  of  our  principles  led  a  portion  of  the 
convention  to  urge  an  expression  of  all  the  various  modes 
of  constitutional  legislation  against  slavery,  which  the 
Liberty  party  have  come  to  apprehend  as  indispensable  to 
co-operation,  while  another  portion  were  content  with  the 
adoption  of  the  broad  principle  of  all  constitutional  legis- 
lation againtt  slavery,  leaving  the  various  applications  of 
this  principle  to  be  learned  by  those  who  do  not  yet  fully 
comprehend  them,  hereafter."3 

1  These  delegates  were  Chas.  V.  Dyer,  of  Cook  County;  O.  Lovejoy,  of 
Bureau  County;  C.  W.  Hunter,  of  Madison  County;  Luke  Hale,  of  Kane 
County;  Lucius  H.  Parker,  of  Knox  County;  J.  H.  Collins,  of  Cook  County; 
Moses  Pettingill,  of  Peoria  County;  John  Cross,  of  Lee  County:  J.  McClellan, 
of  Cook  County. 

'Minutes  of  Convention  in  "Western  Citizen,"  July  u,  1843. 

'Report  in  "Western  Citizen,"  July  n,  1848. 


1 66  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

So  there  were  no  instructions  given  the  delegates  on 
this  point.  Nor  was  any  definite  platform  outlined  which 
the  Liberty  representatives  should  stand  by  and  insist 
upon.  In  one  point  alone  was  there  general  unanimity. 
This  was  that  their  delegates  should  refuse  to  concur  in 
any  platform  which  limited  itself  to  the  mere  shutting  up 
of  slavery  within  the  existing  slave  States.  "But, "  writes 
McClellan,  "for  co-operation  with  the  proposed  Buffalo 
convention  on  the  single  issue  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  and 
contemplating  no  future  action  against  slavery,  where  it  now 
exists,  there  was  no  single  advocate.  It  was  believed  that 
every  honest  Wilmot  Proviso  man  could  have  no  objection 
to  pledging  all  other  constitutional  legislation  against  slav- 
ery, while  the  Liberty  party  by  merging  themselves  in  an- 
other organization  which  did  not  contemplate  doing  its  work 
would  prove  recreant  to  the  great  object  of  its  mission." 

In  July  the  Illinois  Liberty  delegates  set  out  for  the 
Buffalo  convention.  Among  the  nine  representatives  was 
Mr.  Eastman  of  the  "Western  Citizen."  The  journey 
was  made  chiefly  by  boat  around  the  Great  Lakes. 

The  result  of  the  August  convention  at  Buffalo  is  well 
known.  It  was  a  complete  victory  for  the  Free  Soil  advo- 
cates. Van  Buren  was  nominated  for  President,  and 
Charles  Francis  Adams  was  named  for  Vice-President. 
A  new  antislavery  organization,  called  the  Free  Soil  party, 
was  organized  on  a  platform  which  met  with  the  universal 
approval  of  all  the  delegates — Barn-burners,  Conscience- 
Whigs,  and  Libertymen  alike.1 

1  Eastman  in  "Western  Citizen,"  August  22,  1848.  See  also  Joshua  Leav- 
itt's  letter  in  the  same  issue.  Leavitt  was  one  of  the  committee  of  four 
especially  delegated  to  secure  the  nomination  of  Hale  and  King  at  Buffalo. 
He  writes:  "The  Liberty  Party  of  1840  is  not  dead.  It  has  expanded  into  the 
great  Union  Party  of  Free  Democracy  in  1848.  What  have  we  lost?  Not  one 
of  our  principles,  not  one  of  our  arms,  not  one  of  our  men.  Let  John  P.  Ha  e 
stand  as  he  stood  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States:  he  is  young  enough  to 
abide  his  time,  and  we  could  not  spare  him  to  be  elected  President  now.  We 
have  gained  everything,  lost  nothing." 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     167 

£:   <2-<2- 
The  main  points  in  this  platform  were :  the  declaration  i ' 

that  the  Federal  Goverment  must  exert  itself  to  abolish 

' 

slavery  everywhere  within  the  constitutional  limits  of  its 
power;  the  demand  that  Congress  should  prohibit  slavery 
by  law  in  all  territory  then  free — especial  reference  being 
made  to  Oregon,  Californi-a,  and  New  Mexico;  and  the  ready 
acceptance  of  the  "issue  of  the  Slave  Power,  more  slaves 
and  more  slave  territory, ' '  to  which  their  "calm  but  final  an- 
swer" was  "No  more  slaves — no  more  slave  territory."  1 

This  platform  was  accepted  with  readiness  and  enthu- 
siasm by  the  Libertymen  of  Illinois.  Eastman  commented 
on  it  as  follows:  "We  have  raised  the  new  banner  of  the 
Liberty  party — Free  Soil  and  Free  Men — and  on  that 
banner  we  have  placed  the  names  of  Van  Buren  and 
Adams They  are  for  a  total  divorce  of  the  gov- 
ernment from  slavery,  and  an  antislavery  administration. 
....  This  is  all  in  the  platform  of  the  Liberty  party. 
The  Liberty  platform  has  been  adopted  by  the  Free  Soil 
party  and  its  nominees.  Hence  we  have  gained  all  this — 
with  all  the  good,  intelligent,  and  the  honest  of  all  other 
parties  to  aid  us.  We  are  all  brethren  together.  We 
forget  the  past.  We  forgive  as  we  hope  to  be  forgiven. 
....  We  were  shut  between  two  mountains,  with  a 
cloud  of  darkness  before  us  and  a  pillar  of  fire  behind, 
and  knew  not  which  way  to  turn — but  lo!  in  a  day,  in  an 
unexpected  way,  deliverance  came.  Fraternity  was 
offered  us.  Help  from  the  good  of  all  parties  is  offered 
if  we  but  receive  them  on  equal  terms."  A  new  principle 
had  been  established — "Union  without  compromise — 
Fraternization."  2 

Such  were  the  rosy  colors  in  which  the  abolitionists  of 

1  See  platform  in  Hopkins's  "Political  Parties  in  the  United  States,"  Appen- 
dix A;  also  "Western  Citizen,"  August  22,  1848. 
3  "Western  Citizen,"  August  22,  1848. 


168  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

, 
Illinois  viewed  the  ne\v' Union"  party.     They  expected 

great  results  from  this  fraternization;  but  they  did  not 
have  to  live  many  months  more  before  they  realized  how 
thoroughly  they  had  been  mistaken.  They  then  saw  that 
the  union  had  never  been  a  real  one.  It  was  one  of  policy 
and  of  heart  rather  than  of  principle.  It  existed  more 
on  paper  and  in  the  enthusiasm  of  the  delegates  assembled 
in  Buffalo  than  in  any  genuine  drawing  together  of  the 
different  antislavery  organizations  for  the  definite  and 
determined  purpose  of  exterminating  slavery,  as  the  abo- 
litionists believed  and  hoped. 

The  abolitionists  gave  up  with  reluctance  their  candi- 
dates and  their  party  organization  for  the  common  good. 
They  received  for  this  sacrifice  only  good  words,  fair 
promises,  and  an  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory  party 
organization.  The  Free  Soil  men  were  not  aggressive 
enough  in  action,  nor  definite  enough  in  purpose,  to  suit 
the  Liberty  men.  The  majority  of  the  Free  Soil  advo-""' 
cates  were  not  yet  ready  to  enter,  as  were  the  abolitionists, 
upon  a  universal  crusade  against  slavery,  that  should 
never  cease  till  its  object  had  been  accomplished.  They 
had  not  been  sufficiently  aroused  on  the  subject.  It  is 
true  they  threw  up  their  hats  and  shouted  with  the  Lib- 
erty men,  "No  more  slavery!"  but  if  it  could  then  have 
been  limited  strictly  to  the  slave  States,  these  Free  Soil 
supporters  would  have  been  quite  satisfied  and  ready  to 
rest,  for  the  time  at  least,  from  their  labors.  Nationally  / 
the  union  had  its  advantages,  but  locally  (in  Illinois)  im- 
proved a  grave  error,  and  gave  the  antislavery  movement  in/ 
our  State,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  a  setback  for  several  years^ 

However,  in  August,1  1848,  all  was  enthusiasm  inTfli- 

1  "Chicago  Journal,"  July  17,  31,  1848;  "Western  Citizen,"  July  u,  1848; 
"Alton  Telegraph  "  July  28.  1^48.  Popular  demonstrations  in  favor  of  Free  Soil 
had  begun  in  Illinois,  especially  in  the  northern  part,  early  in  July.  Union  meet- 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     169 

nois  for  the  new  Free  Soil  party.  On  the  2 1st  the  "Chi- 
cago Free  Soil  League"  was  formed  to  promote  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Buffalo  convention.  Its  meetings  were  held 
every  Saturday  night.  On  the  following  day  a  great 
mass  meeting  of  from  twelve  hundred  to  two  thousand 
people  was  held  in  the  Public  Square.  A  wooden  stand 
had  been  erected  for  the  use  of  the  speaker;  and  amid 
considerable  enthusiasm,  the  platform  of  the  Free  Soil 
party  and  the  nominations  of  Van  Buren  and  Adams  were 
ratified.1 

Similar  confirmation  meetings  were  held  throughout 
the  State.2  A  "State  Convention  of  Free  Democracy" 
was  held  in  Ottawa  on  August  30,  where  the  expressions 
in  favor  of  Free  Soil  and  Van  Buren  were  unanimous. 
The  name  Liberty  party  was  no  longer  heard.  Every- 
jthing  was  Free  Soil  now.  The  "Western  Citizen"  began, 
IrTthis  same  month,  the  publication  of  a  weekly  campaign 
paper,  entitled  the  "Free  Soil  Banner,"  which  proved  a 
fair  success.3 

But  the  "Citizen"  was  no  longer  the  only  antislavery 
paper  of  influence  in  Illinois.  A  daily  Free  Soil  paper 
was  started  in  Chicago;  and  a  number  in  the  country 
were  speedily  begun,  or  took  up  the  support  of  this  plat- 
form, so  that  long  before  the  campaign  was  ended  there 
were  fifteen  papers  promoting  the  Buffalo  convention 
doctrines.4 

ings  were  held  in  Kendall,  DuPage,  Winnebago,  and  Lake  counties,  and  at 
Alton.  Cook  and  Lake  counties  nominated  Independent  Free  Soil  (local) 
candidates;  and  in  all  the  meetings  resolutions  advocating  a  Free  Soil  presi- 
dential candidate  and  platform  were  passed. 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  August  2g,  1848,  and  following  issues. 

2  Canton,  August  24;  Savannah,  August  24;    Belvidere.    September,  26; 
Sycamore,  September  5;   Rockford,  September    16;    Hennepin,    August   26; 
Lowell,  September  Q;  etc. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  August  29  and  October  3,  1848. 

*See  Eastman  on  the  history  of  "Western  Citizen,"  in  editorial  entitled 
"Last  Words."  "Western  Citizen,"  October  18,  Vol.  XL,  No.  52  This  Chicago 
paper  was  "The  Chicago  Tribune,"  founded  on  July  10,  1847,  to  agitate  the 


1 70  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

The  campaign  of  1848  was  waged  energetically  in  other 
ways  throughout  the  State  of  Illinois.  Free  Soil  societies 
/or  organizations  were  formed  in  many  counties.1  Free 
Soil  or  "True  Democracy"  meetings  were  held  throughout 
the  centre  and  north  of  the  State.  There  seems  to  have 
been  a  general  feeling  of  enthusiasm  and  confidence  ampng 
the  antislavery  men  throughout  the  whole  of  Illinois.2  In 
Chicago,  large  and  enthusiastic  political  meetings  were 
held  almost  every  evening.  No  previous  campaign  seems 
to  have  equalled  this  in  energy,  in  the  variety  of  agencies 
used,  or  in  popular  interest. 

In  order  to  draw  votes  from  the  other  parties,  and  to 
prove  that  their  party  was  really  interested  in  the  general 
national  welfare,  the  Free  Soil  party  in  Illinois,  following 
the  lead  of  the  National  party,  put  several  planks — other 
than  that  of  constitutional  opposition  to  slavery — in  their 
platform  for  1848.  This  was  the  first  time  other  political 
issues  had  been  recognized  by  the  abolitionists  of  this 
State.3  Those  now  entered  were,  the  granting  of  the 
public  domain  in  limited  quantities  to  actual  settlers,  free 

(trade,   abolition  of  the  franking  privilege,  cheap   post- 
age, the  improvement  of  our  harbors,  and  the  election  of 
United  States  officers  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people.4 
This    did  not   help  them  greatly.     In  fact,  all  their 

principles  later  adopted  by  the  Republican  party.    Andreas,  "History  of  Chi- 
cago.   Vol.  1..  page  401,  and  following: 

Among  these  country  papers  were:   "Lake  County    Chronicle,"  "Peru 
Telegraph,"    "Alton    Telegraph,"    "Bureau    County    Advocate,"    Princeton: 
"Lockport  (Will  County)  Telegraph,"  "St.  Charles  Patriot,"   "Free  Press, 
Rockford;  "Quincy  Tribune,"  "Alton  Monitor,"  "Western  Mercury,"  Geneva; 
and  ''Chicago  Staats-Zeitung." 

1  Those  specifically  mentioned  in  "Western  Citizen"  were  De  Kalb  County, 
Vermilion  County,  Brown  County,  Winnebago  County,  Kane  County,  Kendall 
•County,  McHenry  County,  Bureau  County,  La  Salle  County,  etc. 

2  See  the  numerous  letters  from  many  sections  of  the  State,  quoted  in 
"Western  Citizen"  for  September  19  and  September  26,  1848,  all  of  which  speak 
in  most  hopeful  terms  of  prospects  for  the  elections  of  1848.    Lf. 

3  With  the  possible  exception  of  the  Temperance  issue. 

*Owen  Lovejoy's  letter  dated  Chicago,  July  15,  1848,  defining  platform  of 
his  party.    "Western  Citizen,"  July  18,  1848. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     171 

efforts  to  secure  an  increased  vote  in  the  local  elections 
were  rendered  futile  by  the  action  of  the  Whig  party  of 
Illinois.  The  effect  upon  the  national  vote  is  not  so  ap- 
parent, because  Van  Buren  was  more  popular  with  all 
classes  of  antislavery  men  than  either  Taylor  or  Cass. 

The  Whigs  of  Illinois  early  in  this  campaign  took  a 
.Stand  against  the  extension  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States.1  The  Fourth  Congressional  District  raised  as  its 
war-cry,  "Scammon  and  Free  Soil."2  And  it  was  not 
long  before  every  District  and  County  Whig  convention 
had  declared  itself  for  Free  Soil.3  Consequently,  every 
local  and  every  Congressional  Whig  candidate  ran  upon 
a  platform  in  which  Free  Soil  was  a  prominent  plank. 
This  created,  so  to  say,  two  Free  Soil  parties  in  the  State.  . 
T^Free  Soil  party  proper  (or  oldXibert/ party)  formed 
aft  extreme  antislavery  body,  while  the  Whig  party  became 
a  moderate  antislavery  organization. 

The  result  was  one  which  redounded  to  the  glory  of 
the  Whigs.  By  the  adoption  of  a  Free  Soil  plank,  they 
not  only  stole  much  of  the  Liberty  men's  thunder,  but 
retained  within  their  own  ranks  many  antislavery  Whigs 
who  otherwise  would  most  certainly  have  joined  the  Free 
Soil  party. 

The  Democrats  of  Illinois  tried  to  hedge  also,  but  with 
far  less  success.  They  were  known  as  the  party  which 
was  responsible  for  the  Mexican  war,  and  which  was 
staunch  in  its  support  of  the  rights  and  claims  of  the 
Southern  States.  In  the  main,  they  made  no  pronounced 
denial  of  the  accusation  that  they  were  favorable  to  the 

1  The  "Chicago  Journal"  wrote  on  February  17,  1847:  "They  [the  Whigs  of 
the  Fourth  District]  are  opposed  to  the  further  extension  of  slavery  because 
they  consider  the  'peculiar  institution'  a  blighting  curse  upon  the  country. ' 

2  "Chicago  Journal,"  during  July  and  August,  1848.    J.  Young  Sraramon 
was  the  Whig  Congressional  nominee  of  Fourth  District. 

3  See  "Chicago  Journal,"  April  10-17,  1848. 


I72  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

V 

opening  of  the  new  Territories  to  slavery.1     But  in  the 

northern  part  of  the  State — notably  in  Chicago 2  and  Cook 
County3 — they  expressed  themselves  as  opposed  to  the 
extension  of  slavery.4 

This  stand  doubtless  exercised  a  restraining  influence 
upon  some  of  the  old  "Loco-Focos"  with  antislavery 
sympathies  in  the  northern  counties,  who  might  otherwise 
have  bolted  the  ticket.  In  these  northern  counties,  the 
feeling  of  opposition  to  slavery  extension  was  so  strong 
among  the  Democracts  that,  in  the  Presidential  contest, 
many  cast  their  votes  for  Van  Buren.  But  the  majority 
remained  by  the  party  in  the  local  elections,  largely  be- 
cause their  nominees — such  as  Wentworth,  Maxwell,  and 
Sherman — declared  themselves  favorable  to  Free  Soil. 

Thus  were  the  abolitionists  robbed  of  the  hoped-for 
vote  of  the  moderate  antislavery  men.  The  chief  object 
of  their  union  with  the  Free  Soil  party  remained  for  them 
a  delusion  and  a  snare,  since  very  few  of  the  purely  Free 
Soil  advocates  in  Illinois  ever  joined  hands  with  them. 

In  this  connection,  the  vote  of  1848,  State  and  Na- 
tional, is  helpful.  The  official  vote  for  Van  Buren,  the 
Free  Soil  candidate  for  President,  in  Illinois  was  15,702. 
This  was  a  gain  of  12,233  in  f°ur  years,  or  over  four 

1  The  "Chicago  Journal"  denounces  the  Democrats  throughout  this  cam- 
paign as  opponents  of  nonslavery  extension,  and  on  February  9,  1848,  quotes 
their  paper,  the  "State  Register,"  as  saying  that  it  is  "hostile  to  the  principles 
of  the  Wilmot  Proviso." 

The  Democratic  State  Convention,  however,  issued  a  "Circular  to  the 
Northern  Democrats  of  Illinois,"  in  which  they  made  a  point  of  Cass's  opposi- 
tion to  the  extension  of  slavery. 

3  At  the  "Grand  Democratic  Rally"  for  Cass  in  Chicago,  on  July  10,  a  reso- 
lution was  passed  "That  while  we  deprecate  the  existence  of  slavery  in  our 
country,  and  are  qpposed  to  its  further  extension,"  etc.  "Chicago  Journal," 
July  ii,  1848. 

3  See  same  sentiments  in  the  Cook  County  Democratic  convention  in  July. 
"Chicago  Journal,"  July  13,1848. 

*  See  letters  of  two  Democratic  Congressional  nominees,  P.  Maxwell  and 
F.  C.Sherman,  on  subject;  "Chicago  Journal,"  July  13,  1848.  And  I.  Went- 
worth's  speech  as  to  his  position  (antiextension.)  "Chicago  Journal,"  February 
17,  1848. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     1 73 

times  the  vote  of  I844.1  This  shows  that  the  union  of 
the  Liberty  men  and  the  Free  Soilers  resulted  in  a  great 
gain  in  Illinois  on  the  national  ticket.  But  this  was  on 
the  national  ticket  alone — as  the  other  returns  show. 
This  was  due  in  large  part  to  accessions  from  the  Whig 
forces,  because,  as  the  "Chicago  Democrat"  prophesied 
early  in  the  campaign,  "The  antislavery  Whigs  will  never 
vote  for  a  man  who  holds  slaves."  Since  Taylor  was 
known  to  be  a  slaveholder,  the  antislavery  Whigs  of  Illi- 
nois— ever  loyal  to  Henry  Clay — scratched  his  name  and 
voted  for  Van  Buren.  Further  union  with  the  Free  Soil- 
ers they  did  not  make,  but  voted,  as  for  the  rest,  the 
straight  Whig  ticket.2 

The  antislavery  vote  for  Governor  was  4,748,  or  about 
400  less  than  two  years  before,  and  in  the  fourth  Con- 
gressional district — the  stronghold  of  abolitionism-^-Mr. 
Lovejoy  received  only  2,8/2,  as  against  3,531  polled  for 
him  in  1846.  In  the  same  district,  the  Whigs,  running 

1  It  was  about  three  times  the  Liberty  vote  of  1846,  wnich  was  5,147. 

"  A  considerable  number  of  votes  were  no  doubt  given  to  Van  Buren  by  the 
Free  Soil  Democrats  of  Northern  Illinois,  but  it  is  by  no  means  clear  to  us  that 
the  15,702  were  "drawn  almost  entirely  from  the  Democratic  ranks,"  as  Dr. 
Smith  asserts  in  "Liberty  and  Free  Soil  Parties,"  page  156.  The  Democratic 
Presidential  vote  of  1848,  fell  behind  that  for  Governor  in  1846  by  only  2,400,  and 
lacked  but  1,620  votes  of  the  Democratic  Presidential  ballot  of  1844.  In  these 
four  years  (1844-1848)  the  Democratic  majority  decreased  0,139  votes,  while  the 
Wh'g  vote  increased  7.519.  The  difference  between  these  figures  is  1,620  votes, 
or  the  exact  decrease  in  the  Democratic  popular  vote.  These  1,620  votes  must 
then  have  been  given  to  the  Free  Soil  candidate.  Now  the  total  increase  in  the 
popular  vote  of  1848  over  1844  was  18,103  ballots.  But  a  glance  at  the  Whig 
returns  for  1840, 1842, 1844,  and  1846,  shows  that  the  Whig  party  in  Illinois  was 
decreasing  in  numbers  rather  than  increasing.  Therefore  the  gain  of  7,519 
votes  in  1848  was  probably  not  natural,  but  must  have  accrued  from  Demo- 
cratic forces.  This  is  seen  more  forcibly  when  we  remember  that  in  the  Fourth 
district  the  falling  off  pf  Wentworth's  majority  in  1848  accrued  to  the  advan- 
tage of  the  Whig  candidate,  Scammon,  and  not  to  Lovejoy,  Free  Soil.  Con- 
sequently some  7,519  Whig  votes  must  have  been  cast  for  Van  Buren; 
otherwise  the  Whig  gain  would  have  been  14,000  instead  of  7,000.  If  we  sub- 
tract the  Whig  gain  of  7,519  and  the  Free  Soil  gain  of  1,620  (all  from  the 
Democrats)  from  the  total  increase  of  votes  18,103,  we  have  a  total  gain  of  8,964 
for  the  Free  Soilers,  which  came  from  some  source  not  now  clearly  ascertainable. 
But  did  they  not  receive  the  7,000  (or  thereabout)  votes  from  the  Whigs? 
This  would  leave  them  a  natural  gain  of  about  2,000  vcites.  Possibly  these 
2,000  were  votes  that  ordinarily  would  have  gone  for  the  Democratic  candi- 
date. If  so,  the  Free  Soilers  would  have  received  in  1848  approximately  3,600 
Liberty,  4,000  Democratic,  and  from  7,500  to  8,000  Whig  votes. 


174  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

Mr.  Scammon  on  a  Free  Soil  plank,  made  a  gain  of  2,273 
votes  over  their  ballot  two  years  previous.1 

In  all  the  State  elections2  the  Democrats  were,  as 
usual,  ^victorious.  The  Whigs  made  no  nomination  for 
Governor,  thinking  it  would  prove  a  useless  expense. 
The  Democratic  nominee,  Governor  French,  was  conse- 
quently elected  without  serious  trouble,  receiving  67,453* 
votes.  All  the  Congressional  contests,  save  that  in  the 
Galena  District,  resulted  favorably  to  the  Democrats/ 
giving  them  six  out  of  seven  Representatives  chosen  in 
the  State.  In  the  elections  for  Supreme  Court  judges 
the  three  chosen  were  all  Democrats.5  So  it  is  evident 
that  in  the  State  elections,  both  Democrats  and  Whigs — 
even  though  antislavery  in  sympathy — remained  faithful 
to  their  old  parties.  All  that  the  Liberty  men  got  out  of 
the  so-called  Union,  True  Democratic,  or  Free  Soil 
party  was  a  large  increase  in  their  Presidential  vote. 

This  could  have  availed  them  but  little,  since  it  was  a 
foregone  conclusion  that  the  Free  Soilers  would  not  carry 
the  State  for  Van  Buren,  while,  where  they  greatly 
needed  help — in  the  local  contest — none  was  forthcoming 
for  them.  The  result,  consequently,  of  the  1848  election 
was  most  disappointing  to  the  antislavery  leaders.  The 
Liberty  party  organization,  which  had  been  held  partially 
intact 6  during  this  campaign,  fell  to  the  ground  almost 
immediately.  The  abolitionists  were  left  without  political 

1  "Chicago  Journal,"  September  12, 1848. 

2  In  1848  there  were  four  general  elections  in  Illinois,    (i)  Election  of  State 
officers  in  August;  (2)  election  of  judges  on  first  Monday  in  September;  (3)  on 
the  adoption  of  the  new  constitution  on  March  6;  and  (4)  Presidential  election 
in  November.    But  the  constitution  of  1848  placed  all  on  the  same  date  there- 
after, the  first  Tuesday  after  first  Monday  in  November. 

3  Moses,  II.,  page  560.    Tabular  statement  of  official  figures. 

*  Colonel  E.  D.  Baker,  Whig,  elected.    Moses,  II.,  page  561,  for  vote. 
5  Those  elected  were  John  D.  Caton,  Northern  District;  Samuel  H.  Treat, 
Central  District;  Lyman  Trumbull,  Southern  District. 

8  Held  together  in  part  until  the  State  elections  in  August,  1848. 


ILLINOIS  LIBERTY  AND  FREE  SOIL  PARTIES     175 

organization,  although  they  belonged  practically  to  the 
new  Free  Soil  party.  Their  leaders  lost  heart,  and  for 
the  first  time  since  the  antislavery  movement  was  inaugu- 
rated, were  utterly  discouraged.  Hard  times,  incident  to 
a  failure  of  the  fall  crops,  came  upon  the  whole  State. 
The  abolitionists  suffered  with  the  rest.  They  were  poor 
enough  generally,  since  the  greater  proportion  of  their 
constituency  was  to  be  found  among  clergymen,  farmers, 
and  small  tradesmen.  Consequently,  the  momentary 
financial  distress  bore  most  heavily  upon  the  abolitionists 
and  their  party. 

The  "Western  Citizen"  lost  much  of  its  prestige  and 
patronage,  on  account  of  the  establishment  of  the  numer- 
ous Free  Soil  papers  during  the  campaign  of  1848,  and 
this,  together  with  the  losses  incident  to  the  financial 
depression  of  the  next  two  years,  so  injured  the  enterprise 
that  it  never  regained  its  wonted  influence  and  patronage 
in  the  State.  Its  editor  was  compelled  to  drum  up  his 
own  collections,  and — this  proving  vain — to  raise  the 
necessary  funds  for  its  continuance,  by  means  of  job 
printing,  advertising,  the  steam-power  press,  and  other 
forms  of  mechanical  labor.1 

The  Free  Soil  movement  had  not  met  with  much 
genuine  popularity  in  the  State.  There  had  not  been 
sufficient  time  between  the  Buffalo  convention  in  August 
and  the  faH  election  for  the  position  of  the  new  party  to 
be  clearly  defined  and  its  organization  completed.  The 
results  of  the  campaign  were  so  discouraging  that  all  effort 
to  continue  the  organization  ceased.  No  attempt  was 
made  by  the  abolitionists  to  coalesce  with  other  parties.2 

1  Eastman  in  an  editorial  reviewing  these  days,  entitled  "Last  Words,"  in 
"Western  Citizen,"  October  18,  1853.    Vol.  XI.,  No.  52. 

2  "Western  Citizen,"  April  24,  1849,  editorial  on  "Union  of  Free  Soil  and 
Democratic  Parties." 


176  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN  ILLINOIS 

Leadership  seemed  wanting,  and  for  almost  two  years,  no 
definite  steps  were  taken  to  complete  the  organization  of 
the  new  party. 

Thus  the  old  Liberty  party  reached  its  palmiest  days 
and  disappeared  in  the  movement  incident  to  the  forma- 
tion of  a  new  antislavery  party.  Its  self-sacrifice  met 
with  but  poor  returns  at  first,  while  the  beginnings  of  the 
new  party  were  far  from  propitious ;  yet  many  of  its  lead- 
ers and  constituents  lived  to  realize  that  their  sacrifice  had 
not  been  in  vain. 


CHAPTER   XL 

FREE    SOIL,  FREE    DEMOCRATIC,    AND 
REPUBLICAN   PARTIES. 

1848-1856. 

The  period  from  1849  to  1851  was  a  time  of  disinte- 
gration and  depression  in  the  Illinois  antislavery  forces. 
The  Free  Soil  organizations,  called  into  being  during  the 
contest  of  1848,  dissolved  as  soon  as  it  was  over.  Nearly 
all  the  Free  Soil  papers  ceased  to  exist.  All  effort  to 
hold  the  new  party  together  seems  to  have  died  out;  and 
the  leadership  of  the  antislavery  movement  went  begging.1 
In  some  districts — like  Kane  County — there  was  a  ten- 
dency to  revive  the  old  Liberty  party,  but  this  plan,  opposed 
by  Mr.  Eastman  and  other  leaders,  was  soon  abandoned.2 

One  important  result  of  the  Free  Soil  campaign  of  1 848 
now  became  apparent.  A  universal  sentiment  of  decided 
opposition  to  the  further  extension  of  slavery  had  been 
born  in  Central  and  Northern  Illinois,  and  was  shared 
alike  by  Free  Soilers,  Whigs,  and  Northern  Democrats. 
In  fact,  each  party  claimed  this  as  one  of  its  own 
distinctive  principles.  This  was  noticeable  as  early  as 
January,  1849,  when  all  three  parties  contributed  to  the 
passage,  through  the  General  Assembly,  of  a  resolution 
approving  the  Wilmot  Proviso.3  Antislavery,  Whigs,  and 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  April  24,  1849;  May;  and  June  5,  18,  1850;  editorials 
on  "Union  of  Free  Soil  and  Democratic  Parties,"  etc. 

2  "Western  Citizen,"  December  4,  n,  1849. 

3  "Chicago  Journal,"  January  5,  13,15,1849.    Also  Moses,  "Illinois,"  Vol.  y 


II.,  page  564. 
"Wi 


estern  Citizen,"  January  16,  1849.    It  was  thought  that  this  would  force 
I77 


17$  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

Democrats  ("Barn-burners")  were  content  to  remain  by 
their  old  parties,  as  long  as  it  seemed  likely  that  these 
parties  would  adopt  opposition  to  slavery  extension  as  a 
party  plank;  and  the  existence  of  a  special  Free  Soil  party 
seemed  unnecessary. 

The  Free  Soil  men,  however,  refused  to  coalesce  with 
the  supporters  of  either  of  the  other  parties.1  They 
doubted  the  sincerity  of  their  opposition  to  slavery,  but 
lacking  a  definite  policy  and  progressive  spirit  themselves, 
the  Free  Soilers  were  exceedingly  slow  in  reorganizing 
their  own  party  for  active  political  work.  It  was  not  till 
the  late  summer2  of  1849  tnat  tney  began  to  prepare  for 
the  fall  elections  of  that  year,  and  then  Free  Soil  candi- 
dates were  nominated  only  in  four  counties  and  one  dis- 
trict.3 Mr.  O.  H.  Haven  was  elected  Representative  in 
the  State  Legislature  by  a  small  majority,  but  all  the  other 
nominees  were  defeated.4  This  slight  gain  was  the^rst 
Free  Soil  victory  in  the  State,  and  it  cheered  correspond- 
ingly the  depressed  spirits  of  the  antislavery  men. 

In  February,  1850,  California5  applied  for  admission 
to  the  Union,  and  Henry  Clay  brought  forward  the  famous' 
Compromise  Bill  of  that  year.  This  last  was  a  rallying 
point  for  the  Free  Soilers,  and  they  quickly  made  good 
use  of  it.  Mass  meetings  were  held,  and  the  immediate 
admission  of  a  free  California,  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law,  and  opposition  to  all  compromises  with  the 

Mr.  Douglas  to  resign;  but  he  escaped  by  asserting  that  the  resolution  in 
question  was  not  the  voice  of  the  people  of  Illinois." 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  April  4  and  September  25,  1849;  June  18,  1850. 

8  They  made  a  dismal  failure  in  Cook  County  trying  to  run  candidates  for 
County  Judge,  Prosecuting  Attorney,  and  iClerk,  on  a  Free  Soil  platform. 
"Western  Citizen,"  April  3,  1849. 

3  These  were  McHenry,  Kane,  Bureau,  and  LaSalle  counties,  and  the 
district  comprising  Kendall,  DuPage,  Will,  and  Iroquois  counties.    ''Western 
Citizen,"  September  25,  and  October  2,  9,  16,  1849. 

4  Mr.  Haven's  majority  was  161.    "Western  Citizen,"  November  20,  1849. 

•  On  February  13.  The  Territory  had  adopted  an  antislavery  Constitution 
on  November  13,  1849. 


FREE  SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      179 

slave  power  became  the  most  prominent  planks  in  their 
platform.1  The  Compromise  was  denounced.  A  State 
convention  of  Free  Soilers  was  proposed,  but  it  failed  to 
materialize  before  the  following  year.2 

The  leaders  of  the  antislavery  movement  in  the  Fourth 
District,  however,  decided  to  organize,  and  an  enthusi- 
astic, harmonious  meeting  took  place  at  Joliet  in  June  to 
arrange  the  preliminaries.3  A  regular  convention  was 
held  in  August,  and  William  B.  Ogden  put  in  nomination 
for  Representative.4  Mr.  Ogden  was  widely  known  and 
respected.  His  candidacy  was  warmly  approved  by  the 
Free  Soil  and  Whig  papers.5" 

In  nominating  Dr.  Maloney  for  the  same  office  the 
Democrats  of  the  Fourth  Distict  pledged  themselves  to 
oppose  the  extension  of  slavery  into  Territories  then  free.6 

Dr.  Maloney  was  not  satisfied  with  this,  but  in  a  public 
letter  to  Mr.  Ogden,  declared  himself  in  sympathy  with 
the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  and  in  favor  of 
making  slave  States  out  of  Texas  only.  Thereupon  Mr. 
Ogden  withdrew  from  the  contest,  saying  that  two  Free 
Soil  candidates  were  unnecessary.7  In  this  way  the  anti- 
slavery  Democrats  of  the  district  were  retained  within 
their  party,  and  a  severe  blow  was  given  the  real  Free 
Soil  party.8 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  February  26  and  March  16, 1850,  etc. 

3  Advocated  by  the  "Citizen"  in  issue  of  April  2,  1850.  See  also  editorial 
on  "The  Crisis,"  in  issue  of  March  5,  1850. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  June  18,  1850. 

*  "Western  Citizen,"  September  3, 1850. 

0  In  the  "Western  Citizen"  for  September  10,  a  list  of  quotations  from  the 
leading  Whig  and  Free  Soil  papers  is  given,  showing  their  attitude  toward 
Mr.  Ogden. 

6  Official  report  of  the  Joliet  convention  in  "Chicago  Journal,"  September 
12,  1850. 

7  Letter  of  Mr.  Maloney  in  "Chicago  Journal,"  October  n,  1850. 
Letter  of  Mr.  Ogden  in  "Chicago  journal,"  October  ag,  1850. 

8  Mr.  Maloney's  action  did  not  meet  with  general  approval  among  Demo- 
crats.   "The  State  Register,"  of  Springfield,  and  the  Boone  County  Demo- 
cratic convention,  for  instance,  criticised  him  severely. 


l8o  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

At  the  same  time  the  Whigs  were  placing  Churchill 
Coffing  in  nomination  for  Representative  on  a  similar  plat- 
form, and  elsewhere  over  the  State  their  conventions 
were  giving  expression  to  the  same  sentiments,  opposing 
slavery  extension  and  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law.1 

The  majority  of  the  Free  Soilers — especially  the  old 
Liberty  men — held  together  and  nominated  James  H. 
Collins,  a  prominent  Chicago  lawyer,  in  place  of  Mr. 
Ogden.  Mr.  Codding  and  Owen  Lovejoy  at  once  took 
the  field  for  the  new  candidate,  but  it  was  too  late  to 
accomplish  much  in  that  campaign.  Mr.  Collins  made  a 
fair  showing  in  the  September  elections  but,  by  drawing 
the  Free  Soil  votes  to  himself,  he  contributed  to  the  defeat 
of  the  Whig  candidate,  Mr.  Coffing.2 

Meanwhile  the  agitation  over  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
continued.  Mass  meetings  were  held  in  many  places  and 
resolutions  condemning  this  measure  were  passed.  In 
Chicago  the  excitement  was  intense,  especially  during 
October.  The  Common  Council  passed  resolutions  de- 
claring the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  unconstitutional,  and  enor- 
mous public  meetings  were  held  from  October  22  to  26  in 
front  of  the  North  Market,  where  this  law  was  the  centre 
of  the  discussion.3 

On  the  23d,  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas  attempted 
to  deliver  there  a  speech  in  defense  of  the  Compromise 
Bill,  and  his  connection  with  its  passage.  The  feeling 
against  him  was  very  bitter,  and  such  a  disturbance  was 
raised  on  the  first  two  evenings,  by  groans,  hisses,  and 
yells,  that  he  could  not  finish  his  oration.  It  was  only  on 
the  understanding  that  he  would  be  answered  by  the  op- 

1  See  the  '"Chicago  Journal,"  August  10,  15,  19,  20,  21-25,  and  September 
19-28.  1850. 

2  The  vote,  according  to  the  "Citizen"  and  the  "Journal,"  was:  Maloney, 
11,231;  Coffing,  10,587,  Collins,  1,076. 

3  "Western  Citizen"  and  "Chicago  Journal,"  October,  1850. 


FREE   SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      181 

ponents  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  that  he  was  permitted 
to  finish  an  able  two-hour  address  in  its  favor.  He  was 
listened  to  with  respectful  silence,  but  the  answering  argu- 
ments of  the  Honorable  James  H.  Collins,  E.  C.  Larned, 
and  George  Manierre,  condemning  the  law  as  unconstitu- 
tional, were  received  with  great  applause.  Mr.  Douglas 
met  with  an  equally  cool  reception  in  other  Northern  Illi- 
nois cities,  though  in  the  Central  and  Southern  sections 
he  was  received  as  warmly  as  ever. 

At  the  close  of  1850  the  question  of  reorganization 
was  taken  up  by  the  antislavery  men.  The  first  move 
was  made  by  the  leaders  of  the  old  Liberty  party.  A 
conference  of  prominent  men  was  held  in  Chicago  in 
December,1  and  in  January,  1851,  a  State  antislavery 
convention,  attended  chiefly  by  Liberty  men  of  the  middle 
counties,  assembled  at  Granville.  The  sentiment  in  favor 
of  political  reorganization  was  unanimous,  and  a  State 
Antislavery  Society  was  once  more  called  into  being.  A 
central  executive  committee  was  appointed,  and  three  men 
engaged  to  lecture  in  the  interests  of  the  society.  Some 
county  organizations  were  effected.  Teji  hjmjdr^xL- and 
twejo^Y.-thtse  dollars  was  raised  by  subscription  during  the 
year,  but  the  new  society  seems  never  to  have  acquired 
the  influence  or  importance  that  the  old  Illinois  Antislav- 
ery Society  enjoyed.2 

The  demand  for  a  new  antislavery  party  was  renewed 
at  a  Southern  antislavery  convention,  held  at  Sparta.  Illi- 
nois, in  June,3  and  again  at  the  Putnam  County  conven- 

1  December  q.  It  was  decided  here  to  call  an  antislavery  State  convention 
and  to  organize  a  new  antislavery  society,  "Citizen,"  December  17,  1850. 

The  call  was  published  in  the  "Western  Citizen"  on  December  24,  1850. 
and  the  reorganization  ably  urged  in  editorials  by  Mr.  Eastman,  entitled 
"Organization,"  December  24;  and  "The  State  Antislavery  Convention," 
December  31. 

'"Western  Citizen,"  January  14,  21,  28,  and  February  18  to  November  25, 
1851,  also  issue  of  October  12,  1852. 

3  Minutes  of  this  convention  in  the  "Citizen,"  July  15,  1851. 


182  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

( tion1  the  same  month.  It  finally  became  the  central  issue 
of  a  fairly  representative  State  antislavery  convention 
convened  at  Aurora  in  July.2  Here  the  Illinois  advocates 
of  freedom  expressed  themselves  in  favor  of  a  new  na- 
tional antislavery  party  whose  aim  should  be  to  secure  the 
total  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  establishment  of  right- 
eous civil  government  in  the  United  States.  Not  wishing 
to  commit  themselves  further,  they  nominated  without 
special  instructions  thirty-seven  delegates  to  the  two  na- 
tional antislavery  conventions  which  were  to  meet  the 
following  September — the  one  at  Buffalo,  and  the  other 
at  Cleveland. 

The  Liberty  party  convention  at  Buffalo  was  attended 
only  by  delegates  from  New  York,  Ohio,  Illinois,  and 
Michigan.  Gerrit  Smith  declined  the  Presidential  nomi- 
nation for  1852,  but  Charles  Durkee  was  named  for  the 
Vice-Presidency.  Resolutions  were  drawn  up,  embodying 
the  main  features  of  the  old  Buffalo  platform,  con- 
demning the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  advocating  the  unity 
of  all  antislavery  men  in  one  party.  The  Cleveland  Free 
Democratic  convention — more  truly  national  in  its  repre- 
sentation— passed  similar  resolutions,  except  those  rela- 
tive to  a  new  "Union"  party.  Instead,  it  appointed  a 
committee  to  arrange  the  time  and  place  for  summoning 
a  national  antislavery  convention  to  nominate  Presidential 
candidates,  as  if  all  antislavery  men  would  rally  under  its 
banners  as  a  matter  of  course. 

tThe  Illinois  abolitionists  were  not  satisfied  with  the 
esults  of  either  of  these  conventions.     They  desired  more 
definite  steps  toward  union  and  more  pronounced  opposi- 
tion to  slavery.     While  waiting  for  the  final  action  of  the 

1  Minutes  of  this  convention  in  the  "Citizen,"  July  22,  1851. 

8  On  the  2Qth  and  3oth.    See  "Western  Citizen,"  August  5.  1851. 


FREE   SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      183 

Free  Democratic  party,  they  continued  the  agitation  foi 
a  true  National  Liberty  party,  and  directed  their  energies 
toward  the  foundation  of  a  new  Liberty  party  within  theif 
own  State.1 

No  definite  program  could  be  adopted  until  after  the 
National  Free  Democratic  convention  had  declared  its 
position,  but  during  the  winter  of  1851-1852  conventions 
were  held,  notably  at  Rockford  and  Princeton,2  the  ques- 
tion of  a  new  party  was  thoroughly  discussed,  and  prepara- 
tions were  made  for  an  active  campaign  in  the  fall  of  1852. 
The  chief  motive  of  these  efforts  was  the  desire  to  unite  all 
men  who  were  opposed  to  slavery  on  principle,  in  one 
party,  and  as  Free  Soil  ideas  were  rapidly  gaining  a  large 
hold  on  Northern  and  Central  Illinois,  the  propects  for 
success  were  bright. 

"Our  great  business  now  is,"  wrote  Mr.  Eastman,  in 
March,  1852,  "to  awaken  the  people  of  Illinois,  and  to 
interest  them  in  this  movement.  To  this  end  we  have 
now  labored  for  the  past  year  and  a  half.  It  has  been 
the  hardest  year  and  a  half's  work  we  have  ever  done. 
We  have  not  worked  so  much  through  the  columns  of  the 
paper,  as  through  other  means.  We  have  appealed  to 
philanthropists  and  churches  at  home  and  abroad  to  help 
us We  have  thus  been  struggling,  while  our  peo- 
ple and  State  are  almost  bankrupt,  while  but  little  money 
could  be  found  to  live  upon,  and  while  every  man  has  had 
his  hands  full  to  provide  ways  and  means  for  his  own  pre- 
servation. Yet  the  progress  has  been  slow  and  sure.  Our 
reform  never  stood  on  a  better  basis,  and  never  looked  so 
hopeful  for  the  future.  What  we  need  now  is  work."3 

1  See  the  resolutions  at  the  conventions  at  Rockford,  Princeton,  and  of 
Stark,  Ogle,  lLake,  Kane,  Knox  counties,  etc.  "Western  Citizen,"  October, 
1851,  to  July,  1852. 

*  Fifteen  counties  were  represented,  and  the  session  lasted  two  days. 

3  Editorial  on  "Freedom  Politics  in  Illinois,''  in  issue  of  March  9,  1852. 


184  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

The  lead  in  this  activity  was  taken  by  the  "Western 
Citizen,"  supported  by  the  "Sparta  Freeman,"1  and 
occasional  words  of  approval  were  received  from  Whig 
papers  until  August.  On  the  eleventh  of  that  month  Mr. 
J.  P.  Hale  and  Mr.  Julian  were  nominated  for  President 
and  Vice-President  by  the  Free  Democratic  convention 
at  Pittsburg.  On  the  sixteenth  a  large  Free  Democratic 
mass  meeting  in  Chicago  approved  these  nominations,  and 
similar  demonstrations  occurred  throughout  Northern  Illi- 
nois until  the  State  convention  of  the  Free  Democratic 
forces  met  at  Granville  on  the  2 5th  and  26th. 

Here  the  nominations  of  Hale  and  Julian  were  sus- 
tained, Presidential  electors  chosen,  and  the  platform  of 
the  National  Free  Democratic  party  approved.  Mr.  D. 
A.  Knowlton  of  Freeport,  a  man  of  high  political  integrity 
and  a  representative  of  the  Free  Soil  section  of  the  con- 
vention, received  the  nomination  for  Governor.  Philo 
Carpenter  of  Chicago  was  slated  for  Lieutenant  Governor, 
to  conciliate  the  Liberty  men.  A  central  committee  was 
appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  fall  campaign,  and  the 
new  movement  was  inaugurated  with  great  enthusiasm.2 

The  Free  Democratic  party  of  Illinois,  now  duly 
launched,  played  an  important  part  in  the  campaign  of 
1852.  Its  central  committee  authorized  the  publication 
of  the  "Chicago  Daily  Times"  for  three  months  in  the 
interests  of  the  new  party  and  its  nominees.  It  was 
printed  by  agreement  on  the  press  of  the  "Western  Citi- 
zen," and  its  subject  matter  used  again  largely  in  that 
paper.3 

Immediately  following  the  Granville  Convention  Mr. 

1  The  "Sparta  Freeman"  was  begun  in  January,  1850,  with  J.  N.  Coleman 
as  editor." 

2  "Western  Citizen,"  August  17  to  October  10,  1852. 

3  "Western  Citizen,"  August  31  and  October  18,  185-2,  editorial. 


FREE  SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      185 

Eastman  lectured  at  Magnolia,  Lowell,  Vermilionville, 
Morris,  Lisbon,  and  Joliet.  In  October  Mr.  Kelsey 
delivered  speeches  throughout  the  central  part  of  the 
State.  Mass  meetings  were  held  frequently  in  Chicago 
and  the  northern  towns.  ''Hale  Clubs"  were  formed 
here  and  there,  but  the  attempt  to  secure  their  organiza- 
tion generally  over  the  State  was  a  failure.  County  Free 
Democratic  conventions  were  held  at  various  county  seats 
north  of  Springfield,  where  the  national  and  State  nomi- 
nations were  confirmed,  and  local  Free  Democratic  candi- 
dates placed  in  nomination.  In  September  the  Second 
and  Third  Congressional  Districts  put  Free  Democratic 
candidates  in  the  field,  and  in  October  the  First  and 
Fourth  followed  their  example. 

The  results  of  the  campaign  were  very  encouraging, 
although  it  fell  far  short  of  that  of  1848  in  enthusiasm 
and  facilities  for  work.  There  was  more  real  unity  in 
feeling  and  action  among  antislavery  advocates;  men 
were  more  certain  of  their  position  on.  the  slavery  ques- 
tion; and  many  who  were  timidly  Free  Soil  in  1848  were 
now  ready  to  join  a  party  pledged  to  the  abolition  of  slav- 
ery. None  of  the  nominees  of  the  Free  Democratic  party 
in  Illinois  were  successful,  but  the  ballot  showed  a  con- 
siderable increase  in  the  antislavery  vote.1 

In  December  Mr.  Eastman  undertook  the  publication 
of  the  "Chicago  Daily  Times"  on  assurances  from  the 
Free  Democratic  Central  Committee  and  leading  Chicago 
antislavery  men  that  the  money  and  subscriptions  still  due 
would  be  paid  in.  The  committee  was  soon  dissolved, 
and  the  promised  funds  never  appeared.  After  conduct- 

1  Free  Soil  vote  in  1848:  for  President,  15,702;  for  Governor,  4,748.    Free  ' 
Democratic  vote  in  1852:  for  President,  Q,g66;  for  Governor,  8,8pg.    The  ballot 
for  Governor  is  the  real  test  in  this  case,  as  the  Free  Soil  Presidential  vote  of  ' 
1848  was  not  strictly  an  antislavery  ballot,  but  rather  one  where  the  personnel  '•,.,.— 
of  the  candidates  played  a  great  part.  >x 


i86  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

ing  the  paper  for  six  months  at  his  own  expense,  Mr. 
Eastman  was  forced  to  discontinue  the  "Daily  Times" 
and  to  appeal  to  the  Free  Democratic  party  for  aid  to 
continue  the  weekly  "Citizen."  1 

After  considerable  correspondence  between  the  leaders, 
a  State  convention  was  held  in  May,  1853,  at  Ottawa,  to 
formulate  plans  for  the  more  efficient  organization  of  the 
party  and  the  successful  continuance  of  the  "Western 
Citizen,"  or  some  other  paper,  as  a  party  sheet.  Some 
twenty-four  counties — covering  the  district  from  Chicago 
and  Galena  to  Eden — were  represented.  The  delegates 
were  enthusiastic,  united  in  purpose,  and  ready  for  work. 
The  business  of  the  convention  was  more  ably  conducted, 
its  results  were  more  consistent  and  satisfactory  than  at 
any  previous  State  gathering  of  antislavery  men. 
/  A  plan  of  organization  was  agreed  upon.  A  State 
/  board  of  directors  numbering  twelve  was  to  sit  at  Chicago 
and  undertake  the  effective  reorganization  of  the  party. 
This  board  was  to  be  assisted  by  committees  of  five  in 
each  county  and  Congressional  district,  and  committees 
of  three  in  every  town.  Ten  thousand  copies  of  the 
"Western  Citizen"  were  to  be  distributed  broadcast 
weekly,  and  the  committees  were  to  secure  as  many 
subscriptions  as  possible.  Lecturers  were  to  be  kept 
constantly  in  the  field.  State  conventions  should  convene 
at  regular  intervals,  and  Free  Democratic  associations 
were  to  be  formed  in  every  county  and  town  as  far  as 
possible.2 

The  work  of  putting  this  Ottawa  plan  into  operation 
was  begun  at  once.     The  "Citizen"  was  no  longer  issued,3 

1  "Western  Citizen,"  October  18,  1853. 
4  "Western  Citizen,"  June  7,  1853. 

3  Its  last  number  was  dated  October  18,  1853.    It  had  been  temporarily 
suspended  until  the  Ottawa  convention  had  taken  action. 


FREE   SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      187 

but  in  December  the  "Free  West"  appeared  in  its  place, 
under  the  patronage  of  the  board  of  directors  in  Chicago.1 
Its  editors  were  E.  Goodman,  Hooper  Warren,  and  Z. 
Eastman.  They  knew  from  bitter  experience  how  diffi- 
cult it  was  to  maintain  a  strictly  partisan  sheet  by  sub- 
scriptions. Accordingly  an  effort  was  made  to  place  the 
paper  on  a  self-supporting  basis,  by  rendering  its  pages 
more  attractive  to  the  general  public.  Its  prospectus 
assures  us  that  it  was  to  be  a  "typical  Western  journal," 
devoted  to  the  interests,  the  development,  and  the  pros- 
perity of  the  West.2 

Otis  Richardson  was  appointed  by  the  La  Salle  County 
committee  to  lecture  in  that  county  and  in  the  Third  Con- 
gressional District.  D.  M.  Kelsey  was  employed  in  Kane 
County,  and  the  Rev.  J.  F.  Markham  in  DuPage.  Mr. 
Eastman  and  Mr.  C.  M.  Hawley  lectured  in  nine  county 
and  ten  local  meetings  between  December  20,  1853,  and 
January  13,  1854,  the  most  important  of  which  were  in 
Will  and  McHenry  counties.  During  October,  1853, 
Frederick  Douglas  lectured  in  the  State,  and  late  the  fol- 
lowing spring,  I.  Codding  and  Cassius  M.  Clay  began  a 
lecture  tour,  speaking  especially  against  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill.3 

Within  fourteen  months  of  the  Ottawa  convention  at 
least  sixteen  Free  Democratic  associations  were  reported 
as  formed.  It  is  quite  probable  that  there  were  others, 
as  several  of  the  strongest  Free  Soil  counties — such  as 
Lake,  Cook,  and  DeKalb — do  not  appear  on  the  list. 

Most  fortunately  for  the  new  organization  two  statutes 
were  enacted  at  this  time — the  one  by  the  Illinois  Legis- 

1  Its  first  number  was  issued  on  December  i,  1853.  The  subscription  list 
of  the  "Citizen"  larger  than  ever,  containing  some  1*500  to  2,000  names,  was 
turned  over  to  the  new  paper. 

9  "Free  West,"  December  i,  1853. 

3  "Free  West,"  December  15,  1853,  to  June  22,  1854. 


1 88  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

lature,  and  the  other  by  Congress — which  aroused  public 
sentiment  as  never  before  on  the  slavery  question,  and 
which  made  possible  a  universal  antislavery  agitation 
throughout  the  State.  The  first  of  these,  passed  Febru- 
ary 12,  1853,  prohibited  the  immigration  of  free  negroes 
into  Illinois.  It  was  a  crime  for  any  one  to  bring  in  a 
colored  person,  and  any  negro  who  appeared  in  the  State 
and  remained  ten  days  was  liable  to  be  arrested  and  fined 
fifty  dollars.  In  case  of  inability  to  pay  the  fine,  he  was 
to  be  sold  to  any  person  who  would  pay  the  costs  of  the 
trial.1 

This  bill  was  intended  as  a  blow  at  the  abolitionists 
who  were  aiding  slaves  to  escape,  and  as  a  concession  to 
Southern  slaveholders,  who  were  allowed  to  reclaim  their 
servants  on  payment  of  the  costs.  Its  supporters  at- 
tempted to  justify  it  on  economic  grounds,  and  urged  the 
necessity  of  preserving  the  State  from  the  evils  associated 
with  an  over-supply  of  negro  laborers.  But  its  passage 
raised  a  great  storm  of  opposition  and  criticism  all  over 
Illinois.  Not  only  did  the  Free  Democracy,  in  its  paper 
and  its  conventions,  denounce  it  in  the  strongest  terms, 
but  nearly  every  Whig  and  Democratic  journal  in  the  State 
was  outspoken  against  it.2  From  the  fall  of  1853  to  the 
spring  of  1854  the  Free  Democratic  party  made  the  repeal 
of  this  law,  and  of  the  so-called  Black  Laws,  the  chief 
local  issues  in  a  progressive  and  extensive  antislavery  cam- 
paign. 

In  May,  1854,  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill  by  Congress  gave  a  new  impetus  to  their  efforts. 
This  statute  provided  for  the  formation  of  two  Territories 

1  Illinois  Statutes  of  1852.  "An  act  to  prevent  the  immigration  of  free 
negroes  into  this  State."  Sees.  1-4,  8. 

~  "Chicago  Journal,"  February,  22;  "Alton  Courier,"  March  4;  "Alton  Tele- 
graph," February  21  and  March  12;  and  "Belleville  Advocate,  "Galena  Ad- 
vertiser," etc.,  of  same  dates. 


, 


y 

FREE  SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      189 

out  of  the  district  lying  west  and  northwest  of  Missouri, 
and  between  the  parallels  of  37°  and  43°.  Since  this 
region — a  portion  of  the  old  Louisiana  Purchase — was 
situated  north  of  36°  30',  it  had  become  free  territory  by 
the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820.  That  measure  was 
now  declared  "inoperative  and  void,"  because  it  was 
"inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  non-intervention  by 
Congress  with  slavery  in  the  States  and  Territories  as 
recognized  by  the  legislation  of  1850."  l  The  real  aim  of 
the  new  bill  was — to  use  the  words  of  its  great  author, 
Stephen  A.  Douglas — "not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any 
Territory  or  State,  nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to 
leave  the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regu- 
late their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject 
only  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  unexpected  by  the 
masses,  and  aroused  indignation  and  alarm  throughout 
the  North.  It  had  hardly  been  introduced  into  Congress 
before  a  campaign  against  it  was  inaugurated  in  Illinois. 
On  February  2d,  the  "Free  West"  published  the  ap- 
peal of  the  Free  Democratic  members  of  Congress  to 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  entitled,  "Shall  Slavery 
be  Prohibited  in  Nebraska?"  It  urged  the  people  to  "get 
this  into  their  heads,"  and  to  arouse  themselves  generally 
against  the  bill.2  And  during  the  months  of  agitation  that 
followed,  this  paper  remained  an  active  and  determined 
opponent  of  Senator  Douglas  and  his  bill. 

An  enthusiastic  Anti-Nebraska  Bill  meeting  was 
held  in  Chicago  on  February  8,  where  resolutions  were 
passed  condemning  the  measure  and  asking  the  Illinois 
Legislature  to  instruct  the  State's  representatives  to  vote 

1  The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill. 
*  "Free  West,"  February  2,  1854. 


190  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

against  it.  On  the  eleventh  Mr.  Douglas's  friends  at- 
tempted to  get  up  a  meeting  in  support  of  the  proposed 
statute,  but  it  was  a  dismal  failure.1 

Throughout  the  State  lively  "Anti-Nebraska"  meet- 
ings were  held  during  February  and  March,  in  which  men 
of  all  political  > parties  took  part.  Even  though  Congress 
passed  the  bill,  the  agitation  against  it  was  continued  on 
through  the  summer.  In  July  Cassius  M.  Clay  made 
speeches  at  Chicago,  Ottawa,  Bloomington,  Joliet,  Free- 
port,  Rockford,  Elgin,  Springfield,  Alton,  and  Quincy, 
where  for  the  most  part  large  audiences  greeted  him.  At 
the  same  time  Ichabod  Codding  was  addressing  county 
conventions  and  mass  meetings  in  the  smaller  towns  of 
Central  and  Northern  Illinois.2 

About  the  1st  of  August  a  movement  was  started  to 
nominate  Independent  candidates  who  should  run  on  a 
distinct  "Anti-Nebraska"  platform  in  the  approaching 
Congressional  elections.  The  DuPage  County  Free 
Democratic  convention,  at  Wheaton,  declared,  on  August 
I,  1854,  that  a  new  national  party  was  needed  to  restore 
the  "government  to  its  original  basis  of  liberty."  The 
Declaration  of  Independence  was  proposed  as  a  platform, 
and  the  delegates  announced,  "We  are  willing  to  surrender 
our  party  name  and  to  be  known  by  the  name  of  Republi- 
can, suggested  by  the  friends  of  freedom  in  Wisconsin, 
Vermont,  and  other  States."  This  was  the  first  mention 
of  the  name  Republican  in  Illinois  conventions.3 

On  the  same  day  a  large  Anti-Nebraska  convention 
was  held  at  Ottawa  by  the  Whigs,  Democrats,  and  Free 
Democrats  of  the  First  Congressional  District.  The  word 
"Republican"  was  not  used,  but  principles  similar  to 

1  "Chicago  Journal,"  February  13, 1854. 

*  "Free  West,"  June  29,  July  20,  August  3,  1854. 

3  See  the  platform  in  full,  in  the  "Free  West,"  August  10,  1854. 


FREE   SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      191 

those  adopted  by  the  Republican  convention  in  Wis- 
consin were  approved,  and  independent  action  in  the 
next  Congressional  election  was  recommended.1  Many  of 
the  papers  of  the  State  began  to  urge  united  action  for 
freedom,  and  on  August  10,  Mr.  Eastman  wrote:  "The 
newspapers  of  the  most  progressive  order  through  the 
middle  portion  of  the  State  are  calling  for  a  State  mass 
convention  against  the  Nebraska  Bill.  We  are  a  little, 
surprised  at  the  earnestness  of  tone  of  these  papers  on 
the  subject.  They  spurn  party  trammels,  and  ask  for 
immediate  action."2 

The  "Free  West"  advocated  the  formation  of  the 
Republican  party  in  Illinois — already  suggested  by  a  num- 
ber of  county  conventions — for  the  first  time  on  August 
24. 3  On  the  3Oth  the  First  Congressional  District  was 
organized  on  an  independent  Republican  basis  at  Rock- 
ford,  and  nominated  the  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburne  for  Con- 
gress on  that  platform.  The  Second  District  followed,  on 
September  20,  placing  James  H .  Woodworth  in  nomination.* 

The  main  points  of  the  platform  adopted  by  both  con- 
ventions were:  (i)  to  restore  the  administration  of  the 
Government  to  the  principles  of  liberty  and  justice;  (2) 
the  repeal  of  the  Nebraska  and  the  Fugitive  Slave  laws; 
(3)  the  restriction  of  slavery  to  the  States  where  it  then 
existed;  (4)  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  Territories, 
and  opposition  to  the  creation  of  more  slave  States. 

An  effort  was  made  to  unite  all  antislavery  men  in  this 
new  party,  especial  hope  being  placed  in  the  accession  of 
the  Northern  Whigs.5  In  this  the  Republicans  were 

1  "Free  West,"  August  24  and  September  7, 1854. 

*  "Free  West,"  August  10, 1854.    Editorial  urging  a  State  convention. 

3  In  editorial  on  "The  Republican  Party  in  the  Ascendency." 

*"Free  West,"  September  7  and  21,  1854. 

"Editorial  entitled  "Is  There  Yet  Hope?"    "Free  West, '  October  5,  1854. 


I92  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

doomed  to  much  disappointment.  Though  strongly 
"Anti-Nebraska,"  the  Whigs  were  equally  strong  in  de- 
votion to  their  party.  For  the  most  part  they  were  loath 
to  desert  the  old  ship  till  the  new  party  was  an  assured 
success. 

The  Whigs  joined  with  the  Republicans  in  the  First 
district,  but  in  the  Second  they  nominated  a  candidate  of 
their  own.1  In  the  Third  and  Fourth  districts,  the  Whigs 
joined  with  the  Republicans,  largely  because  the  men 
chosen  were  old  Whig  men  and  popular  with  that  party  as 
well  as  with  the  Free  Democracy.2  In  the  remaining  dis- 
tricts no  fusion  tickets  were  attempted,  but  the  Whig 
candidates  everywhere  ran  on  an  Anti-Nebraska  platform, 
thereby  drawing  to  themselves  the  votes  of  the  Free 
Democrats  and  other  antislavery  men. 

One  interesting  and  suggestive  fact  is  noticeable  in  this 
campaign ;  it  is  the  unbiased  way  in  which  the  antislavery 
men  and  papers  of  all  parties  stood  together  in  support  of 
the  Anti-Nebraska  candidates.  The  "Free  West"  advo- 
cated industriously  the  candidacy  of  Archibald  Williams, 
Richard  Yates,  W.  B.  Archer, — all  Whigs, — and  of 
Lyman  Trumbull,  a  Democrat,  because  all  were  opposed 
to  the  Nebraska  Bill.  On  the  other  hand,  the  "Chicago 

T       Journal, ' '  a  Whig  sheet,  supported  the  Republican  nom- 
inees— Washburne,  Norton,  James  Knox,  and  Trumbull— 
»     for  the  same  reason.3 

Everywhere  the  campaign  against  slavery-extension 
was  progressive  and  enthusiastic.  The  Anti-Nebraska 
candidates  all  "took  the  stump"  in  their  respective  dis- 

1  "Free  West,"  July  21,  1854.  The  real  cause  of  their  failure  to  unite  was 
not  a  disagreement  on  principles,  but  on  the  question  of  the  apportionment  of 
votes  that  each  party  should  have  in  case  the  two  conventions  united.  They 
met  at  Aurora  on  the  same  day. 

*  "Free  West,"  November  2,  and  "Chicago  Journal,"  October  3, 1854. 

s  "Free  West"  and  "Chicago  Journal,"  October-November,  1854. 


FREE  SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      193 

tricts.  In  addition,  Ichabod  Codding,  Owen  Lovejoy, 
Wright  and  J.  R.  Giddings  were  busy  lecturing  during 
the  entire  period.  But  a  more  general  interest  centred 
around  the  speeches  of  such  men  as  S.  P.  Chase,  Gustave 
Koerner,  Judge  Trumbull,  and  Abraham  Lincoln — all  of 
whom  denounced  the  Nebraska  Bill. 

Senator  Douglas,  on  the  other  hand,  was  actively  can- 
vassing the  State  in  defense  of  his  own  doctrines.  His 
reception  in  Northern  and  Central  Illinois  was  exceedingly 
chilly.  When  he  attempted  to  address  a  meeting  at  the 
North  Market  Hall  in  Chicago,  he  was  hardly  able  to 
finish  a  sentence,  so  great  was  the  uproar  and  confusion, 
and  he  left  the  place  in  disgust.1  At  Joliet,  Bloomington, 
and  Carlinsville  he  was  allowed  to  speak,  but  his  words 
evoked  no  applause.2 

At  the  State  fair  at  Springfield,  the  "little  Giant"  met 
with  better  treatment.  His  personal  friends  and  the  old- 
time  Democrats  were  present  there  in  great  numbers,  and 
gave  him  a  ready  support.  He  made  a  lengthy  address 
before  an  enormous  assemblage  in  Representative  Hall, 
but  his  eloquence  did  not  win  its  customary  success.  The 
next  day  he  was  answered  by  Mr.  Lincoln  in  a  four-hour 
speech,  "conceived  and  expressed" — to  use  the  words  of 
an  eye-witness — "in  a  most  happy,  pleasant  style,  and 
which  was  received  with  abundant  applause."  3 

A  so-called  Anti-Nebraska  Republican  convention 
was  held  on  October  4,  in  Springfield,  and  James  Miller 
was  nominated  for  State  Treasurer.4  It  was  a  gathering 

1  Speech  of  September  i,  see  "Free  West"  of  September  7  and  other  Chi- 
cago papers. 

2  "Free  West"  September  7-21,  and  "Chicago  Journal'  October  5,  1854. 

3  Correspondent  of  the  "St.  Louis  Republican,"  quoted  also  in  full  in  the 
"Chicago  Journal,"  October  7,  1854. 

*  Mr.  E.  McClure  was  the  first  nominee  chosen,  but  he  declined.  "Chicago 
Journal,"  October  7,  1854. 


194  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

of  the  more  radical  antislavery  men.  Nearly  all  the 
twenty- six  delegates  were  old  Free  Democrats.  The 
Anti-Nebraska  Whigs  and  Democrats  refused  to  attend, 
and  the  former  Liberty  leaders  had  everything  their 
own  way.  Abraham  Lincoln — then  a  Whig — had  been 
asked  to  attend,  but  his  friends  dissuaded  him.1  He  was 
nominated,  however,  on  the  State  Central  Committee, 
but  declined  to  serve.2 

The  November  election  day  came,  and  with  it  success 
for  the  antislavery  cause.  The  Republican  nominees  in 
the  first  four  districts  were  elected  by  majorities  consider- 
ably greater  than  those  of  the  Free  Soil  and  antislavery 
Whig  candidates  in  the  same  districts  in  1852.  In  the 
Eighth  District,  Judge  Trumbull,  an  Anti-Nebraska 
Democrat,  was  chosen  by  a  large  plurality,  while  the 
Anti-Nebraska  candidate  in  the  Seventh  District  was  de- 
feated by  only  one  vote.  The  elections  of  State  Senators 
and  Representatives  resulted  in  an  Anti-Nebraska  major- 
ity of  eighteen  in  the  Senate,  and  fifteen  in  the  House. 
The  Republicans  alone  elected  some  twenty-eight  Repre- 
sentatives, among  whom  was  Owen  Lovejoy,  sent  up  by 
Bureau  County.  There  was  great  rejoicing  among  anti- 
slavery  men,  and  all  looked  forward  with  high  hopes  and 
great  expectancy  to  the  Presidential  election  of  1856, 
while  the  demand  for  an  organized  State  Republican  party 
increased  on  all  sides.3 

For  a  time  an  approaching  Senatorial  election  drew 
general  attention  to  the  Legislature.  Senator  Shields,  a 

1  Lincoln's  Ottawa  speech,  "Debates,"  page  73;  also  see  Morse's  "Lin- 
coln," Vol.  1.,  page  95. 

2  Letter  from  Lincoln  to  Codding,  dated  November  27,  1854. 

3  The  vote  as  given  in  the  official  records  was,  according  to  "Free  West," 
December  21,  and  "Chicago  Journal,"  November  6,  1854: 

1854,  District  No.  i,  Washburne,  plurality,  5,596;  1852,  236  majority. 

1854,  District  No.  2,  plurality,  4,374. 

1854,  District  No.  3,  plurality,  4,258;  1852,  181  majority. 

1854,  District  No.  4,  plurality,  2,559;  1852,  202  majority. 


STEPHEN  A.   DOUGLAS 


FREE  SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      195 

Democrat  and  a  supporter  of  the  Nebraska  Bill,  was  a 
candidate  for  re-election,  but  there  was  little  hope  for 
him,  as  the  Anti-Nebraska  men  controlled  both  the  Sen- 
ate and  the  House.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Lyman  Trum- 
bull  were  the  chief  Anti-Nebraska  candidates.  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  been  elected  to  the  State  Legislature  by  San- 
gamon  County,  but  declined  to  receive  his  credentials,  in 
order  to  run  for  Senator.  His  popularity  was  consider- 
able, but  many  Republicans  were  suspicious  of  him.  He 
was  not  yet  pronounced  enough  in  his  antislavery  prin- 
ciples to  suit  them  all,  and  some  feared  he  was  too  much 
of  a  Whig  to  make  a  good  Republican. 

"We  would  not  advise  the  Republicans,"  the  "Free 
West"  said,  in  November,  "to  support  for  this  station 
Lincoln  or  any  of  the  moderate  men  of  this  stamp.  He  is 
only  a  Whig,  and  this  people's  movement  is  no  Whig 

triumph Let  a  man  of  the  people  be  elected 

Senator."1 

Thus,  while  the  more  moderate  Republicans  under  the 
leadership  of  the  "Chicago  Tribune"2  favored  Lincoln, 
the  more  radical  element,  the  former  Liberty  men  and 
Free  Democrats,  opposed  him.  The  latter  were  espe- 
cially loath  to  take  any  step  which  would  look  as  if  they 
were  selling  themselves  out  to  the  Whig  party.3  In  spite 
of  this,  a  majority  might  have  been  secured  for  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, as  Joshua  Giddings  had  written  Owen  Lovejoy  urg- 
ing the  Liberty  men  to  support  him,  but  five  of  the 
Anti-Nebraska  Democrats  refused  to  vote  for  him  or  for 
any  Whig.  This  precluded  any  hope  of  securing  for  Mr. 
Lincoln  the  number  of  votes  necessary  to  elect.* 

1  "Free  West,"  November  30,  1854. 

3  Founded  largely  to  advance  the  interests  of  the  Republican  party. 

3  "Antislavery    Agitation    in    Illinois,"    by    Z.  Eastman,  in    Blanchard's 
"Illinois,"  page  66q,  old  edition. 

4  Lincoln's  letter  to  Washburne,  Lincoln's  Works,  I.,  218. 


196  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

He  was  the  first  to  take  in  the  situation,  and  although 
receiving  a  large  vote  on  the  first  ballot,  he  withdrew  with 
rare  magnanimity  from  the  contest  in  order  that  an  Anti- 
Nebraska  man— Lyman  Trumbull — might  be  chosen. 
The  final  ballot  saw  his  action  justified  in  the  victory  of 
Mr.  Trumbull  by  four  votes  over  Governor  Matteson.1 
Much  good  was  expected  from  Mr.  TrumbulPs  work  and 
influence  in  Congress,  and  his  election  was  regarded  as  a 
rebuke  to  Senators  Douglas  and  Shields.  The  Illinois 
Legislature  emphasized  this  rebuke  by  passing  almost 
immediately  a  resolution  instructing  the  Illinois  Senators 
to  oppose  the  admission  of  slave  States  formed  out  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Territory,  and  to  advocate  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Missouri  Compromise.2 

In  September,  1855,  Mr.  Douglas  made  a  tour  of 
South-Central  Illinois  and  "Egypt,"  in  order  to  explain 
his  attitude  on  the  slavery  issue  and  to  strengthen  his  hold 
on  the  Illinois  Democracy.  His  effort  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  largely  successful,  but  he  aroused  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  "Chicago  Democratic  Press"  most  powerfully 
against  him,  because  he  declined  to  meet  Judge  Trumbull 
in  joint  debate.3 

1  For  detailed  accounts  of  this  election,  see — 

"Chicago  Journal,"  February  9,  1855. 
"Chicago  Tribune,"  February  9,  1855. 
"Alton  Telegraph,"  February  2-9,  1855. 
Morse  "Lincoln"  I.,  97. 

The  Democrats  united  all  their  iorces  on  Governor  Matteson  after  the  sixth 
ballot,  deserting  Shields  entirely. 

7  "Chicago  Journal,"  February  12, 1855.  The  resolution  passed  the  Senate 
on  February  10. 

3  "Chicago  Daily  Democratic  Press,"  October  i-n,  185;;  "Belleville  Zei- 
tung,  September  25,  1855.  Because  he  ignored  Judge  Truni'bull's  request,  and 
evaded  direct  answers  to  questions  put  to  him  during  his  St.  Louis  speech,  and 
elsewhere,  Douglas  was  called  "The  Great  Dodger"  by  the  "Press  and  other 
papers.  Douglas  prevented  Trumbull  from  answering  him  at  Salem  by  talking 
most  of  the  afternoon,  although  the  citizens  of  Salem  had  invited  Trumbull  to 
come  there.  Trumbull  answered  Douglas  that  night,  however,  and  later  at 
Mt.  Vernon  and  Alton.  Concerning  Douglas's  Mt.  Vernon  speech,  the  corre- 
spondent of  the  "Alton  Courier"  wrote:  "Douglas  gained  no  ground  by  his 
effort  here."  The  same  report  was  rendered  of  nis  addresses  at  Salem  and  at 
Belleville. 


FREE   SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      197 

The  current  of  opposition  to  the  spread  of  slave  terri- 
tory grew  steadily  stronger  week  by  week,  and  the  vari- 
ous orders  of  antislavery  advocates  were  drawn  ever  closer 
together.  The  Liberal  spirit  of  self-sacrifice  for  the  sake 
of  principle  became  daily  more  manifest,  while  the  men 
of  all  parties — Whigs,  Free  Democrats,  Liberty  men, 
even  many  Democrats — showed  themselves  ready  to  sur- 
render their  old  parties  for  one  which  would  take  the  right 
kind  of  advance  stand  against  slavery. 

At  length  the  time  seemed  ripe  for  a  State  Republican 
party,  which  should  unite  all  the  antislavery  elements  in 
the  State  into  one  powerful  and  harmonious  whole. 
Then,  and  only  then,  could  the  forces  opposed  to  slavery 
extension  expect  to  labor  with  true  success  in  Illinois,  or 
to  wield  any  great  influence  in  the  nation  at  large.  The 
preliminary  step  to  such  an  organization  was  taken  at  an 
Anti-Nebraska  convention  of  newspaper  editors,  held  at 
Decatur  in  February,  I856.1  There  were  eleven  delegates 
present,  among  whom  were  Charles  H.  Ray  of  the  "Chi- 
cago Tribune,"  Paul  Selby  of  the  "Jacksonville  Journal," 
William  J.  Usrey  of  the  "Decatur  Chronicle,"  and  George 
Snyder  of  the  "Chicago  Staats-Zeitung."2  After  select- 
ing Mr.  Selby  as  chairman,  and  Mr.  Usrey  as  secretary  of 
the  meeting,  they  proceeded  to  a  discussion  of  the  prin- 
ciples upon  which  the  new  State  organization  should  be 
built. 

They  were  all  agreed  that  the  slave  States  should  be 
sustained  in  all  the  rights  guaranteed  to  them  by  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  and  in  disclaiming  any 
desire  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  where  it 
existed.  With  those  admissions,  they  then  passed  these 

1  "Chicago  Journal"  and  "Tribune,"  February  25,  1856. 

3  For  complete  list,  see  Moses'  "Illinois,"  Vol.  11.,  page  598.    i/ 


198  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

Resolutions:  (i)  "That  we  are  in  favor  of  the  restoration 
x  ' 

of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  or  in  other  words,  that  we 
will  strive  by  all  legal  means  to  restore  to  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  a  legal  guarantee  against  slavery,  of  which  they 
were  deprived  at  the  cost  of  the  violation  of  the  plighted 
faith  of  the  nation;  (2)  that  we  hold  the  settlement 
of  the  true  relations  of  the  General  and  State  Govern- 
ments to  slavery,  and  the  restriction  of  slavery  to  its  pres- 
ent authorized  limits,  as  the  paramount  questions  for 
consideration."1  In  addition,  they  advocated  reform  in 
the  administration  of  the  State  government. 

On  such  foundation  principles  the  new  party  was  to 
be  organized,  and  to  insure  that  end  immediately,  a  State 
convention  was  recommended,  which  should  meet  at 
Bloomington  on  May  29  following.  A  State  Central 
Committee  of  eleven  was  appointed  to  supervise  the 
organization  and  interests  of  the  new  party.2 

In  the  spring  of  1856  this  Central  Committee  called  an 
antislavery  convention  at  Bloomington.  Besides  the  in- 
centive of  organization,  the  chief  object  of  such  a  conven- 
tion was  the  nomination  of  State  officers  who  should  run 
on  an  "Anti-Nebraska"  platform  in  the  coming  elections. 
On  May  20,  in  an  editorial  on  the  Gubernatorial  elec- 
tion, the  "Chicago  Daily  Press"  advocated  in  strong 
terms  the  nomination  of  William  H.  Bissell  of  St.  Clair 
County  for  Governor,  and  Francis  A.  Hoffman  of  Cook 
County  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  On  the  2ist  the 
"Staats-Zeitung"  accepted  these  nominees  with  manifest 

1  "Chicago  Journal,"  February  25, 1856. 

*  "Chicago  Journal,"  January  25,  1856.  This  committee  included  both 
Democrats  and  Whigs,  and  was  composed  as  follows:  ist  District,  S.  M.  Church, 
of  Rockford;  2d  District,  W.  B.  Ogden,  of  Chicago;  3d  District,  G  D.A.Parker, 
of  Will  County;  4th  District,  T.  J.  Pickett,  of  Peoria;  5th  District,  E.  J.  Dudley, 
of  Quincy;  6th  District,  W.  J.  Herndon,  of  Springfield;  yth  District,  R.  J. 
Oglesby,  of  Decatur;  8th  District,  Jas.  Gillespie,  of  Edwardsville;  and  qth  Dis- 
trict, D.  L.  Phillips,  of  Jonesboro;  and  for  the  State  at  large,  Gustave  Koerner 
and  Ira  0.  Wilkinson. 


FREE  SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      199 

approval,  and  shortly  they  were  seen  to  be  the  acknowl- 
edged favorites  among  Anti- Nebraska  men  throughout 
the  State. 

On  the  23d  a  Cook  County  Anti-Nebraska  conven- 
tion was  held  in  the  South  Market  Hall,  Chicago.1 
Members  of  all  the  old  parties  were  in  attendance. 
Speeches  were  made  by  F.  C.  Sherman  (who  presided), 
Norman  B.  Judd,  Judge  Skinner,  and  Grant  Goodrich; 
but  the  prime  mover  in  all  things  was  John  Wentworth, 
of  former  Democratic  fame.  On  his  motion  resolutions 
were  passed,  repudiating  the  platform  of  the  two  recent 
political  State  conventions  (of  the  American  and  the 
Democratic  parties),2  and  advocating  a  third  convention, 
where  all  men  of  all  parties  who  desired  to  restore  the 
Government  to  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence might  unite.  Seventeen  delegates  were  ap- 
pointed to  attend  the  Bloomington  Convention,  and  pledged 
to  the  support  of  Mr.  Hoffman.3 

The  State  Anti-Nebraska  Convention  assembled  in 
Bloomington  on  May  29.  Seventy-one  counties  were 
represented.  The  name  "Republican"  or  "Republican 
party"  was  not  used,  but  this  is  to  be  considered  as  the 
first  real  Republican  State  convention.4  Men  of  all  parties 
were  present — Democrats,  Abolitionists,  Free  Democrats, 
and  Republicans. 

The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  had  wrought  a  division  in 
the  Democratic  party,  which  was  never  again  to  be  healed. 
There  were  now  "Douglas"  Democrats  and  the  "Anti- 

1  "Chicago  Daily  Democratic  Press,"  May  20,  23,  24;  the  "Weekly  Press." 
May  24. 

2  The  Democratic  State  convention  was  held  at  Springfield  on  May  i,  1856. 
W.  A.  Richardson,  of  Adams  County,  was  nominated  for  Governor,  and  John 
Moore,  of  McLean,  for  Lieutenant  Governor. 

3  Minutes  of  Convention  in  the  "Press"  for  May  24,  1856. 

*For  full  record  of  the  proceedings  of  this  convention,  see  the  "Chicago 
Daily  Press,"  May  30,  31,  1856,  and  "Journal"  and  "Tribune"  of  same  dates. 


200  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

Nebraska"  Democrats.  After  the  passage  of  that  bill, 
such  staunch  Democratic  papers  as  the  "Chicago  Daily 
Press"  and  the  "Southern  Illinoisan,"  and  such  con- 
servative "old  liners"  as  Governor  Koerner  and  N.  B. 
Judd  felt  that  they  could  no  longer  support  Mr.  Douglas, 
because,  as  Koerner  said, "the  Nebraska  Bill  was  a  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  a  sectional  measure 
devoted  to  the  interests  of  slavery."  These  Democrats 
were  unwilling  to  join  either  the  Whigs  or  the  more  radi- 
cal Free  Soilers,  but  they  were  not  averse  to  joining  a 
new  party  formed  on  Anti-Nebraska  lines.  The  new 
party  should,  however,  according  to  Koerner,  "meet  all 
the  important  political  issues  clearly  and  distinctly,  with- 
out mental  reservation.  "I  could  not  cooperate  with  any 
party  that  did  not,  while  asserting  the  principle  that  soil 
heretofore  free  shall  remain  free  as  long  as  it  is  territory, 
at  the  same  time  affirmatively  maintain  that  the  Constitu- 
tional rights  of  the  Southern  States  should  never  be  inter- 
fered with."2 

Many  of  these  Democrats  had  hoped  with  Koerner  that 
the  Democratic  State  and  National  conventions  would 
adopt  platforms  such  as  Anti-Nebraska  men  could  consist- 
ently stand  upon.  But  in  vain.  The  Democratic  State 
convention,  held  at  Springfield,  on  May  I,  had  passed 
strong  "Nebraska"  resolutions.  They  maintained  that 
"Congress  has  no  rightful  authority  to  establish  or  pro- 
hibit slavery  in  the  States  and  Territories, ' '  and  expressed 
the  belief  that  "the  only  sure  guarantee  for  the  public 
tranquillity  is  by  a  strict  adherence  to  the  provisions  of 
the  Constitution  and  by  non-intervention  upon  the  sub- 

1  Letter  to  the  editor  of  the  "Illinois  Banner,"  of  Peoria;  quoted  also  in 
the  "Chicago  Press,"  May  13,  1856. 

"  Koerner's  letter  to  the  "Belleville  Advocate";  quoted  also  in  the  "Chi- 
cago Journal,"  March  10,  1856. 


FREE   SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      2OI 

ject  of  .slavery,  applying  alike  to  the  States  and  Terri- 
tories."1. ' 

In  addition,  to  please  the  South,  they  advocated  "entire 
and  absolute  equality  among  all  the  States, ' '  urging  that 
it  was  not  "competent  for  the  Congress  or  any  other 
power  to  impose  upon  new  States  coming  into  the  Union 
any  conditions  or  restrictions  in  respect  to  their  domestic 
institutions  or  internal  concerns,  which  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution has  not  imposed  upon  the  original  States." 

They  close  by  commending  Mr.  Douglas  for  the 
"manly,  daring,  and  undeviating  fidelity  with  which  he 
has  always  maintained  State  sovereignty  and  National 
honor,"  and  instructing  their  delegates  to  the  National 
Convention  at  Cincinnati  to  support  him  for  the  Presi- 
dential nomination,  in  case  his  name  were  proposed. 2 

These  resolutions  destroyed  the  last  lingering  hopes  of 
the  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats,3  and  accordingly,  we  find 
their  leaders — such  as  Wentworth,  Judd,  Palmer,  Baker, 
Allen,  and  Koerner — all  active  in  the  Bloomington  Con- 
vention.4 

John  M.  Palmer  was  made  president,  and  the  meeting 
proceeded  as  quickly  as  possible  to  business.  Bissell  and 

1  Colonel  Richardson   (a  Douglas   supporter)  wrote  to   the  "Richmond 
Inquirer"  at  that  time:  "We  must,  in  the  Cincinnati  Platform  [National  Demo- 
cratic], repudiate  Squatter  Sovereignty  and  expressly  assert  State  Equality. 
We  must  declare  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  General  Government  to  see  that  no 
invidious  or  injurious  distinctions  are  made  between  the  people  or  the  property 
of  the  different  "ections  in  the  Territories.    We  do  not  mean  to  dictate.    It 
may  be  that  the  assertion  in  the  platform  of  the  abstract  proposition  of  State 
equality  may  suffice  to  carry  along  with  it  the  consequences  which  we  desire. 
....  It  must  appear  from  our  platform  that  we  maintain  practical  State 
equality  and  repudiate  that  construction  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act  which 
would  defeat  it.      Quoted  also  in  "Chicago  Democratic  Press,"  May  7,  1856. 

2  "Chicago  Democratic  Press,"  May  7, 1856. 

3  The  Democratic  National  convention  passed  similar  resolutions  at  Cincin- 
nati on  June  2,  and  declared  that  the  "only  sound  and  safe  solution  of  the 
slavery  question"  was  in  the  principle  of  "non-intervention  by  Congress  with 
slavery  in  State  and  Territory  and  in  the  District  of  Columbia."    Democratic 
Platform,  1856. 

4  Several  of  the  counties  revolted  from  the  Democratic  party  as  soon  as 
the  Springfield  platform  had  been  made  known;  for  example,  Peoria,  Madison, 
and  Cook.    "Chicago  Press,"  May  24,  26,  1856. 


202  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

Hoffman  were  unanimously  nominated  amid  great  enthu- 
siasm. The  remainder  of  the  State  ticket  was  formulated 
by  a  nominating  committee,  of  which  Lincoln  was  chair- 
man, and  adopted  without  alteration.  A  State  Central 
Committee  numbering  five  was  appointed  to  call  further 
conventions  if  necessary,  fill  vacancies,  and  direct  the 
coming  campaign.^  The  resolutions  passed  show  little 
alteration  from  the  Anti-Nebraska  platform  suggested  by 
the  editorial  convention  at  Aurora.  It  was,  however, 
conceived  purposely  in  a  liberal  spirit,  and  contained  only 
the  broadest  antislavery  expansion  principles.  In  this  way 
the  support  of  all  classes  of  antislavery  men  was  secured, 
and  all  the  elements  of  slavery  opposition  were  united  in 
one  powerful  party.  One  thing  only  of  importance  was 
added,  namely,  that  the  admission  of  Kansas  on  the  Con- 
stitution adopted  by  the  people  should  take  place  immedi- 
ately. The  convention  further  urged  the  formation  of 
Anti-Nebraska  clubs  and  praised  the  recent  work  of 
Trumbull  in  the  Senate. 

When  the  business  had  been  disposed  of,  speeches 
were  made  by  O.  H.  Browning  of  Quincy,  Owen  Love- 
joy,  and  B.  C.  Cook  of  Ottawa.1  But  it  was  left  to 
Abraham  Lincoln  to  make  the  most  telling  address  and  to 
raise  the  audience  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm. 
He  spoke  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  holding  the  assembly 
spell-bound  by  his  irresistible  logic,  his  earnestness,  and 
his  brilliant  forensic  oratory.  When  he  finished,  the 
"audience  sprang  to  its  feet  and  gave  cheer  after 
cheer."2 

This  remarkable  speech  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  for- 
ensic triumphs  which  were  to  win   for  him  a  national 

1  "Chicago  Press,"  May  31, 1856. 

*  Quoted  from  the  correspondent  of  the  "Press"  who  was  present.  "Press," 
May  31,  1856. 


FREE   SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      203 

reputation  as  an  orator  and  thinker.  In  it  he  defined  his 
position  on  the  slavery  question  fairly  and  fearlessly,  and 
took  his  stand  firmly  as  the  uncompromising  enemy  of 
slavery  expansion.1  The  abolitionists  hesitated  no  longer. 
They  hastened  to  give  him  their  support,  and  the  Anti- 
Nebraska  advocates  began  to  rally  about  him  as  the  un- 
doubted leader  of  the  new  party  in  Illinois.2 

The  contest  of  1856  was  a  noteworthy  one,  and  full  of 
promising  signs  for  the  new  party.  The  National  Repub- 
lican party  had  put  John  C.  Fremont  and  William  L. 
Dayton  in  nomination  for  President  and  Vice-President  at 
its  Philadelphia  convention  on  June  17.  But  to  the  Illi- 
noisans,  the  real  interest  centred  in  their  Gubernatorial 
and  Congressional  elections,  since  the  election  of  a  Demo- 
cratic President  seemed  rather  a  foregone  conclusion. 

The  Republicans  of  Illinois — or  "  Anti-Nebraskans, " 
as  they  yet  preferred  to  call  themselves — made  great  exer- 
tions to  carry  their  State  ticket  and  to.  elect  their  candi- 
dates in  the  first  four  (Northern)  Congressional  districts. 
Each  candidate  took  the  stump  and  canvassed  his  own 
district  thoroughly.3  In  addition,  many  prominent  men 
from  without  the  State — like  General  Nye  of  New  York, 
N.  P.  Banks  of  Massachusetts,  J.  P.  Hale,  and  Governor 

1  This  Bloomington  speech  seems  never  to  have  been  printed,  so  we  are 
forced  to  judge  of  its  contents  from  meagre  newspaper  report. 

8  Mr.  Eastm.<n  has  recorded  an  interview  about  this  time  between  himself 
and  Mr.  Herndon,  Lincoln's  law  partner.  Mr.  Eastman  visited  Springfield  to 
assure  himself  and  his  abolition  friends  as  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  real  position  on 
the  slavery  issue.  Mr.  Herndon  assured  him  that  Lincoln  was  all  right.  "He 
has  been,"  he  continued,  "an  attentive  reader  of  your  paper  for  several  years; 
he  believes  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  ....  he  is  well 
posted.  That  he  might  get  all  sides  of  that  question.  I  take  Garrison's  "Liber- 
ator,"' and  he  takes  the  "National  Era"  and  the  "Western  Citizen  "  Although 
he  does  not  say  much,  you  may  depend  upon  it,  Mr  Lincoln  is  all  right;  when 
it  becomes  necessary,  he  will  speak  so  that  he  will  be  understood.  And,"  con- 
cludes Mr.  Eastman,  "he  did  speak,  too,  at  the  Bloomington  convention. 
After  this  there  was  no  longer  any  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln  from  the  most 
radical  of  the  abolitionists.  "Anti  Slavery  Agitation  in  Illinois,"  page  671,  old 
edition  of  Blanchard's  "Illinois,"  2,  3.  (See  page  265.) 

3  For  the  particulars  of  this  campaign,  see  "Chicago  Journal,"  October  6  to 
November  i,  1856;  "Tribune"  and  other  papers  ot  same  date. 


204  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

Robinson  of  Kansas — were  induced  to  come  and  assist  in 
the  campaign.  Among  the  local  orators  who  traversed 
the  State  in  the  interests  of  the  Republican  party,  Lincoln 
and  Trumbull  were  the  most  effective  and  the  most 
popular.1 

Anti-Nebraska  clubs  were  organized  in  many  places, 
parades  indulged  in,  and  enthusiastic  mass  meetings  held 
out  of  doors  in  groves  or  public  squares.  The  result  in 
November  was  such  as  to  gladden  the  heart  of  every 
Republican.  Although  the  State  went  Democratic  in  the 
national  contest,  the  Republicans  were  completely  suc- 
cessful in  the  election  of  State  officials,2  and  they  elected 
Republican  Congressmen  in  the  first  four  Congressional 
districts  by  large  majorities.3  This  was  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  Illinois  that  the  Democrats  had  failed  to 
secure  a  majority  in  the  State  elections,  and  that  any  other 
party  had  ever  elected  its  entire  State  ticket.  The 
Republicans  were  justly  proud  of  this  achievement,  and 
on  Wednesday  evening,  December  10,  a  great  banquet 
was  held  at  the  Tremont  House,  in  Chicago,  in  celebra- 
tion of  this  memorable  victory.  Lincoln,  Lovejoy, 
Turner  of  Freeport,  James  Miller,  J.  J.  Beardsley,  and 
B.  C.  Cook  delivered  rousing  speeches,  and  great  enthu- 
siasm prevailed.4 

This  triumph  in  1856  gave  the  new  party  in  Illinois 
immense  prestige  within  the  State,  and  inspired  its  mem- 
bers to  more  extensive  efforts.  Heretofore  it  had  been 
merely  a  "Union"  party  of  heterogeneous  elements  work- 
ing together  to  prevent  the  expansion  of  slavery.  Yet, 

1  Lincoln  made  about  fifty  speeches.    Morse's  "Lincoln,"  Vol.  I.,  page  112. 
3  Vote  for  Governor  was:  Democratic,  110,584;   Republican,  111,372.    "Chi- 
cago Journal,"  November  21,  1856. 

3  "Chicago  Journal,"  November  24,  1856. 

*  "Chicago  Journal,"  December,  n,  1856,  and  "Tribune"  of  same  date. 


FREE   SOIL,  DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN      205 

how  nobly  the  elements  had  stood  together!  The  abo- 
litionists led  by  Owen  Lovejoy,  the  Whigs  headed  by 
Lincoln  and  Yates,  and  the  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats 
inspired  by  Palmer,  Judd,  and  Wentworth,  had  labored 
in  the  greatest  harmony  and  unison  throughout  the  cam- 
paign. Every  leader  realized  fully  that  the  victory  was 
due  to  the  efforts  of  each  faction  and  to  the  unity  of  all. 
Confidence  in  the  new  party  took  possession  of  every  lover 
of  freedom.  Present  success  seemed  but  the  promise  of 
future  triumph,  and  the  chief  result  of  the  campaign  of 
1856  in  Illinois  proved  to  be  the  welding  of  all  the  anti- 
slavery  elements  firmly  into  one  great,  harmonious  organi- 
zation, which  in  time  became  the  State  Republican  party. 
,  This  outcome  is  to  be  attributed  largely  to  the  agitation 
incident  to  the  Nebraska  Bill.  It  is  extremely  unlikely 
that  any  such  union  would  have  been  effected  at  this  time 
if  that  measure  had  not  been  passed  through  Congress.1 
"Two  years  ago,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  at  Springfield,  in 
1858,  "the  Republicans  of  the  Nation  mustered  over  thir- 
teen hundred  thousand  strong.  We  did  this  under  the 
single  impulse  of  resistance  to  a  common  danger,  with 
every  external  circumstance  against  us.  Of  strange,  dis- 
cordant, and  even  hostile  elements,  we  gathered  from  the 
four  winds,  and  formed  and  fought  the  battle  through, 
under  the  constant  fire  of  a  disciplined,  proud,  and  pam- 
pered enerrv."  2 

1  "I  am  tolerably  well  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  country,  and  I 
know  it  has  endured  eighty-two  years,  half  slave  and  half  free.  1  believe  .... 
it  has  endured,  because  during  all  that  time,  until  the  introduction  of  the 
Nebraska  Bill,  the  public  mind  did  rest  all  the  time  in  the  belief  that  Slavery 
•was  in  the  course  ef  ultimate  extinction."  "Debates,"  page  18;  Chicago 
speech. 

8  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  5.  Compare  with  statement  on  page 
106. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION   AND   THE 
LINCOLN-DOUGLAS   DEBATES. 

The  united  "Anti- Nebraska"  or  Republican  party  in 
Illinois  was  placed  on  a  permanent  footing  in  1856.  The 
strength  of  its  numbers  and  the  comparative  harmony  of 
its  elements  promised  well  for  its  future  success.  In  the 
months  and  years  immediately  following  its  establishment, 
events  came  thick  and  fast,  which  increased  the  deep- 
seated  opposition  to  slavery  extension,  stirred  the  intense 
agitation  on  that  subject  to  ever-increasing  proportions, 
and  drew  into  the  new  party  innumerable  recruits.  These 
occurrences  form  a  part  of  the  great  national  slavery 
agitation,  and  can  be  only  briefly  referred  to  here.  Their 
effect  upon  the  people  of  Illinois  as  regards  the  slavery 
problem  was  much  the  same  as  in  all  the  Northern  States. 

The  most  important  of  these  incidents  were:  the  at- 
tempt to  force  the  Lecompton  Constitution  and  its  sub- 
stitute, the  "English  Bill,"  on  the  people  of  Kansas,  the 
border  warfare  in  the  same  State,  the  assault  on  Senator 
Sumner  of  Massachusetts  by  Representative  Brooks  of 
South  Carolina,  and  the  famous  Dred  Scott  case.  The 
Supreme  Court,  in  rendering  its  decision  in  this  Scott 
trial,  declared  that  Congress  could  not  prohibit  slavery  in 
the  Territories.1  This  aroused  violent  criticism  through- 
out the  North.  Many  antislavery  men,  like  Lincoln,2  were 
convinced  that  this  was  but  one  step  in  an  organized  con- 

1  ig  Howard  393,  Scott  vs.  Hanford. 

•Springfield  speech,  June  17,  1858,  "Debates,"  pages  3,  4. 

206 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 


LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION  207 

spiracy  to  extend  and  perpetuate  slavery.  The  Republican 
and  Anti-Douglas  press  in  Illinois  condemned  the  decision 
in  strong  terms.  Conventions  were  held  in  the  Northern 
sections,  and  resolutions  that  were  directed  against  the 
Lecompton  Constitution  and  the  Dred  Scott  decision 
were  adopted.1 

While  this  controversy  was  raging,  the  time  for  the 
election  of  Congressmen  drew  near  once  more.  In  addi- 
tion, Senator  Douglas's  term  would  soon  expire,  and  thus 
a  Senatorial  election  would  be  necessary  in  1858.  Doug- 
las was  a  candidate  for  reelection,  and  the  only  choice  of 
his  party.  Ere  long  it  was  evident  that  the  Republicans, 
too,  had  but  one  candidate  for  the  same  office.  On  June 
5  the  Republicans  of  McLean  County,  in  a  convention, 
suggested  Abraham  Lincoln  as  the  Republican  nominee 
for  Senator,  for,  they  said,  "We  need  a  big  man  with  a 
big  mind  and  a  big  heart  to  represent  our  big  State."  2 

Other  Northern  counties  were  not  slow  in  following 
this  example,3  and  at  the  Republican  State  convention, 
held  at  Springfield  on  June  1 6,  it  was  unanimously  re- 
solved amid  great  enthusiasm:  "That  Honorable  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  is  our  first  and  only  choice  for  United  States 
Senator,  to  fill  the  vacancy  about  to  be  created  by  the 
retirement  of  Honorable  Stephen  A.  Douglas."* 

The  platform  adopted  included  the  support  of  the 
Federal  Constitution,  non-interference  with  slavery  in  the 
States  where  it  then  existed,  prohibition  of  slavery  in 
the  Territories,  a  denunciation  of  the  (then)  present  ad- 

1  "Chicago   Democratic  Press,"  June  12-17,  and  "Journal,"  April  i  to 
June,  1858. 

2  "Chicago  Democratic  Press,"  June  12,  1858. 

3  "Chicago  Democratic  Press,"  June  17, 1858  (Shelby  County),  and  June  12 
(Cook  County),  etc. 

*The  Cook  County  Delegation  had  brought  into  the  convention  a  banner 
bearing  the  words:  "Cook  County  for  Lincoln."  On  the  motion  of  a  delegate 
this  was  changed  to  read:  "Illinois  for  Lincoln." 


208  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

ministration  on  account  of  the  "Lecompton"  affair,  and 
the  condemnation  of  "the  principles  and  tendencies  of  the 
extra-judicial  opinions  of  a  majority  of  the  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court J  of  the  United  States  in  the  matter  of 
Dred  Scott."  It  is  noticed  here  that  no  aggressive  policy 
is  outlined.  No  detailed  program  is  laid  out,  by  means 
of  which  the  extension  of  slavery  should  be  checked, 
other  than  the  freeing  of  the  Territories.  Nor  is  there 
any  suggestion  of  an  attempt  to  abolish  slavery  entirely. 
Such  a  thing  was  never  considered  for  a  moment. 

On  such  a  comparatively  simple  platform  Lincoln 
began  the  celebrated  political  canvass  which  ended  in  the 
Lincoln-Douglas  debates.  When  the  business  of  the 
Springfield  convention  was  over,  he  made  a  speech  which 
defined  clearly  his  position  on  the  slavery  question,  and 
laid  down  the  chief  issues  of  the  forthcoming  campaign. 
He  began  with  these  now  famous,  oft- quoted  words:  "I 
believe  this  government  cannot  endure  permanently  half 
slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be 
dissolved — I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall — but  I  do 
expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all  one 
thing  or  all  the  other."  2 

Then,  beginning  with  the  Nebraska  bill,  he  showed  in 
a  clear  and  concise  argument  how  step  by  step  through 
that  measure,  the  Kansas  frauds,  the  election  of  Buchanan, 
and  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  a  systematic  and  organized 
effort  was  being  made  to  extend  and  perpetuate  slavery. 
"Put  this  and  that  together,"  he  added,  "and  we  shall 
have  another  nice  little  niche,  which  we  may  ere  long  see 
filled  with  another  Supreme  Court  decision,  declaring  that 

1  Because  it  affirmed  that  the  "Federal  Constitution  extends  slavery  into 
all  the  Territories  of  the  Republic,  and  so  maintains  it  that  neither  Congress 
nor  the  people  through  their  Territorial  legislation  can  by  law  abolish  it." — 
"Chicago  Democratic  Press,"  June  19,  1858. 

a  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  i. 


LATER  SLAVERY  AGITATION  209 

the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  does  not  permit  a 
State  to  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits."  l 

The  only  way  to  put  a  stop  to  this  was  by  overthrow- 
ing the  existing  Democratic  administration,  and  placing  the 
control  of  the  government  in  the  hands  of  the  Republican 
party.  A  careful  selection  of  leaders  was  imperative  to 
secure  such  a  result.  Men  of  sterling  character  and 
undoubted  antislavery  principles  should  be  chosen: 
"Those  whose  hands  are  free — whose  hearts  are  in  the 
work — who  do  care  for  the  result." 

Finally,  with  unquestionable  faith  in  the  justice  of  his 
cause,  and  sublime  confidence  in  its  ultimate  triumph,  Mr. 
Lincoln  concluded:  "We  shall  not  fail  if  we  stand  firm; 
we  shall  not  fail!  Wise  counsels  may  accelerate,  or  mis- 
takes delay  it;  but,  sooner  or  later,  the  victory  is  sure  to 
come."2 

After  the  adjournment  of  Congress  in  June,  1858,  Mr. 
Douglas  repaired  to  New  York,  where  he  remained  till  the 
1st  of  July,  carefully  maturing,  Napoleon-like,  his  plans 
for  the  coming  Senatorial  canvass  in  Illinois.  In  addition, 
he  wished  to  give  his  friends  ample  time  to  complete  the 
necessary  arrangements  for  insuring  a  successful  cam- 
paign.3 

The  first  act  in  this  great  drama  was  the  "triumphant 
entry"  of  Senator  Douglas  into  Chicago.  He  came  from 
New  York  via  the  Michigan  Southern  railway  as  far  as 
LaPorte,  Indiana,  which  he  reached  on  the  afternoon  of 
Friday,  July  9.  There  he  entered  a  carriage  and  was 
driven  over  to  Michigan  City,  where  a  special  train  was 
waiting  to  convey  him  into  Chicago  and  to  land  him  near 

1  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  4. 

4  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  5. 

3  New  York  correspondent  to  "Press,"  on  July  2,  1858;  quoted  in  same, 
July  10,  1858,  and  accompanying  editorial.  Mr.  Lincoln  in  Springfield  speech, 
July  27,  1858;  "Debates,"  page  58. 


210  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

the  Tremont  House.  He  was  escorted  from  the  station 
by  two  companies  of  militia,  a  band  of  music,  and  a  great 
concourse  of  people.  Bells  were  rung  and  fireworks  set 
off.  A  few  moments  later  he  appeared  on  the  balcony 
of  the  hotel,  from  which  he  delivered  a  long  and  eloquent 
speech  to  the  people  who  thronged  the  streets  and  side- 
walks below,  and  filled  the  windows  of  the  surrounding 
buildings.  It  is  estimated  that  some  twelve  thousand 
persons  heard  him.  Men  of  all  parties — Democrats, 
Republicans,  abolitionists — were  among  the  crowd.1 

Senator  Douglas's  remarks  on  this  occasion  were 
devoted  chiefly  to  an  explanation  of  his  conduct  in  Con- 
gress with  reference  to  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and 
to  an  attack  upon  Lincoln's  recent  Springfield  speech. 
In  reference  to  the  latter,  he  asserted  that  Mr.  Lincoln, 
in  saying  that  our  government  could  not  endure  half  slave 
and  half  free,  was  advocating  "clearly  a  war  of  sections, 
a  war  of  the  North  against  the  South,  of  the  free  States 
against  the  slave  States — a  war  of  extermination  to  be 
continued  relentlessly  until  the  one  or  the  other  shall  be 
subdued,  and  all  the  States  shall  either  become  free  or 
become  slave."  As  a  second  point  of  criticism,  he  dis- 
tinguished Mr.  Lincoln's  interpretation  of  the  meaning 
and  effect  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  as  "a  crusade 
against  the  Supreme  Court."  y 

The  following  evening  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  to  Senator 
Douglas  from  the  same  balcony.3  On  that  occasion  there 
were  about  nine  thousand  people  in  attendance,  most  of 
whom  were  friendly  to  him  and  his  party.  He  was 
greeted  with  a  perfect  storm  of  applause,  and  as  soon 

1  For  description  of  Douglas's  reception  at  this  time,  see  "Press,"  "Jour 
hal,"  "Times,"  and  "Tribune,    July  10,  1858. 
1  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  9. 
"See  "Press"  and  other  Chicago  papers,  July  12, 1858. 


LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION  21 1 

as  partial  quiet  was  restored,  he  delivered  an  apt,  logical, 
and  eloquent  answer  to  the  arguments  of  the  Senator.  In 
these  speeches  the  main  issues  were  clearly  defined,  about 
which  the  "battle  royal"  would  be  waged  throughout  the 
summer  and  fall.  These  were,  "popular  sovereignty" 
and  the  "Dred  Scott  decision."  considered  in  relation  to 
the  slavery  problem. 

From  Chicago  Judge  Douglas  journeyed  to  Joliet, 
Williamsville,  Bloomington,  and  Springfield,  making 
speeches  at  each  place.1  He  rode  in  a  special  train,  the 
baggage-car  of  which  bore  the  words,  "Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  the  Champion  of  Popular  Sovereignty."  On 
the  rear  platform  of  the  last  car  there  was  a  brass  six- 
pounder  which  announced  the  arrival  and  the  departure  of 
the  popular  hero.  Mr.  Lincoln  followed,  heard  him  speak 
at  Bloomington  on  July  16,  and  answered  him  at  Spring- 
field on  the  1 7th.  Then  there  ensued  a  correspondence 
between  the  two  gentlemen,  begun  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  It 
was  finally  agreed  to  hold  joint  debates  in  seven  of  the 
chief  towns  of  Illinois,  namely,  at  Ottawa,  Freeport, 
Jonesboro,  Charleston,  Galesburg,  Quincy,  and  Alton.2 
One  of  them  was  to  open  the  debate  with  an  hour's 
speech,  then  the  other  to  reply  for  an  hour  and  a  half; 
and  then  the  first  speaker  to  have  a  half  an  hour  in  which 
to  reply.  As  proposed  by  Mr.  Douglas,  this  arrangement 
gave  him  four  openings  and  closes  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  three, 
but  Mr.  Lincoln  raised  no  serious  objection,  and  the  agree- 
ment was  sealed. 

The  two  men  about  to  begin  this  forensic  contest 
differed  greatly  in  physique,  in  character,  and  in  talent. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  tall,  lank,  and  somewhat  awkward,  but 

1  For  detailed  account,  see  "Press"  and  "Times,"  July  19,  1858. 
*  See  the  complete  correspondence  in  the  "Debates,"  pages  64-66. 


—* 


212  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

dignified  in  his  bearing,  and  serious  in  his  delivery.  Mr. 
Douglas  was  short,  stout,  round,  and  of  full  countenance, 
and  possessed  an  easy,  graceful  delivery.  He  was  not 
only  a  great  orator,  but  he  was  also  a  consummate  debater. 
He  was  a  master  in  all  the  strategies  and  expedients  of 
forensic  warfare.  It  was  most  difficult  to  trip  him  up  or 
to  hold  him  to  a  point.  He  seems  to  have  lacked  in  origi- 
nality and  logic,  but  he  made  up  for  this  by  his  wonderful 
power  of  distorting  his  opponent's  arguments  and  making 
them  seem  highly  disproportionate  in  form  and  ridiculous 
in  logic.  No  one  knew  better  than  he  how  to  master  an 
audience,  and  as  a  speaker,  he  was  powerful,  alert,  bril- 
liant. He  was  ready  in  repartee,  witty,  and  aggressive, 
but  in  criticism  he  was  severe  and  patronizing  by  turns. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Lincoln's  power  lay  chiefly  in 
his  straightforward  and  convincing  logic,  his  deep  earnest- 
ness, and  his  ready  wit.  Although  not  a  graceful  orator, 
he  was  impressive  and  majestic.  He  possessed  a  remark- 
able power  of  analysis,  and  worked  out  in  concise  thought 
almost  unanswerable  arguments  based  on  historic  facts, 
Constitutional  Law,  and  political  ethics.  He  strove  ear- 
nestly and  industriously  to  find  the  truth  —  to  ascertain  the 
real  and  fundamental  principles  involved  in  the  slavery 
question  and  its  solution.  When  once  his  mind  was  clear 
as  to  these  principles,  he  defended  them  with  an  honest 
zeal  and  a  directness  of  logic  born  of  a  thorough  convic- 
tion of  religious  duty.  While  fair  and  decorous  in  his 
treatment  of  an  opponent,  he  was  ever  ready  with  some 
humorous  sally  that  irritated  his  antagonist,  but  delighted 
his  audience. 

In  addition,  it  must  be  remembered  that  Mr.  Douglas 
was  then  a  man  of  national  reputation  and  the  recognized 
leader  of  the  Democratic  party.  For  nearly  ten  years  he 


LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION  213 

had  been  the  most  striking  figure  in  political  circles,  and 
he  had  the  support  of  the  organized  Illinois  Democracy 1 
behind  him.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  scarcely  known  outside  his 
own  State,  yet  his  honesty,  his  powers  of  argument  and 
of  oratory,  and  his  earnest  opposition  to  slavery  exten- 
sion had  won  him  considerable  repute  in  Illinois.  His 
friends  felt  confidence  in  him,  and  looked  forward  to  this 
contest,  believing  their  protege*  would  not  prove  unworthy 
of  their  trust.  He  himself  was  not  ignorant  of  the  great 
task  before  him,  and  he  has  jocosely  described  the  relative 
standing  of  Douglas  and  himself  at  the  opening  of  the 
debates.  \ "Senator  Douglas,"  he  said,  "is  of  world-wide 
renown.  All  the  anxious  politicians  of  his  party,  or  who 
have  been  of  his  party  for  years  past,  have  been  looking 
forward  upon  him  as  certainly,  at  no  distant  day,  to  be 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  They  have  seen  in 
his  round,  jolly,  fruitful  face,  post-offices,  land-offices, 
marshalships,  and  cabinet  appointments,  chargeships  and 
foreign  missions,  bursting  and  sprouting  out  in  wonderful 
exuberance,  ready  to  be  laid  hold  of  by  their  greedy  hands. 
And  as  they  have  been  gazing  upon  this  attractive  picture 
so  long,  they  cannot,  in  the  little  distraction  that  has  taken 
place  in  the  party,  bring  themselves  to  give  up  the  charm- 
ing hope ;  but  with  greedier  anxiety  they  rush  about  him, 
sustain  him,  and  give  him  marches,  triumphal  entries,  and 
receptions  beyond  what  even  in  the  days  of  his  highest 
prosperity  they  could  have  brought  about  in  his  favor. 
On  the  contrary,  nobody  has  expected  me  to  be  President. 

1  Mr.  Douglas  had  lost  the  confidence  of  his  constituency  somewhat  in  1854 
(see  above.  Chapter  XL),  but  his  popularity  with  the  masses  was  still  great. 
It  began  with  his  first  great  Chicago  speech,  August  4,  1838,  and  was  founded 
deservedly  on  his  numerous  and  important  services  to  his  party  and  his  State. 
Together  with  Judge  Breeze  he  was  the  promoter  of  the  first  railways  in 
Illinois,  and  the  champion  of  all  the  great  schemes  for  the  internal  improve- 
ment of  the  State,  between  1840-1855.  For  an  impartial  description  of  his 
political  work,  see  the  "Chicago  Times,"  August  19,  1877,  article  called  "By- 
gone Days." 


214  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

In  my  poor,  lank  face  nobody  has  ever  seen  that  any  cab- 
bages were  sprouting  out.  These  are  disadvantages  all, 
taken  together,  that  the  Republicans  labor  under.  We 
have  to  fight  this  battle  upon  principle,  and  upon  principle 
alone.  I  am,  in  a  certain  sense,  made  the  standard-bearer 
in  behalf  of  the  Republicans.  I  was  made  so  merely 
because  there  had  to  be  some  one  so  placed — I  being  in  no 
wise  preferable  to  any  other  one  of  the  twenty-five,  per- 
haps a  hundred,  we  have  in  the  Republican  ranks 

We  have  to  fight  this  battle  without  many — perhaps  with- 
out any — of  the  external  aids  which  are  brought  to  bear 
against  us."  ! 

Under  such  circumstances  the  great  debates  began. 
One  contestant,  supported  by  the  enthusiastic  and  devoted 
adherents  of  a  thoroughly  organized  and  powerful  Democ- 
racy, fought  to  maintain  his  great  name,  to  defend  his 
political  theories,  to  reestablish  his  prestige  in  the  State, 
and  to  strengthen  his  influence  in  the  national  Democ- 
racy, with  a  view  to  securing  the  Presidency  in  i860. 
The  other,  sustained  it  is  true  by  many  local  and  influ- 
ential friends,  but  resting  his  chief  confidence  in  a  poorly 
organized  and  equipped  party  composed  of  somewhat  dis- 
cordant elements,  fought  for  principle,  justice,  and  honor.2 

The  first  meeting  was  held  on  August  21  at  Ottawa. 
Early  on  that  morning  all  the  roads  leading  into  the  town 
were  white  with  the  clouds  of  dust  that  arose  from  the 
crowds  of  teams  pouring  into  the  place  from  far  and  near. 
Large  delegations  came  by  train  from  Galena,  Peoria, 
Quincy,  Rock  Island,  Bloomington,  Springfield,  Alton, 

1  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  55.    This  was  uttered  in  his  speech  at 
Springfield  on  July  17,  1858. 

2  For  excellent  and  detailed  portraits  of  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  see  Nicholay 
&  Hay,  "Lincoln,"  "Century"  for  July,  1-87;  Von  Hoist,  "History  of  United 
States,"  Vol.  VI.,  Chap.  6:  Blaine,  "Twenty  Years  of  Congress,"  Vol.  1.,  page 
145,  and  following;  Morse,  "Lincoln,"  Vol.  1.,  etc. 


LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION  215 

and  other  places.  A  train  of  seventeen  cars  arrived  about 
eleven  o'clock  from  Chicago  with  Mr.  Lincoln  on  board. 
Seated  in  a  carriage  decorated  by  the  ladies  of  Ottawa,  he 
was  escorted  by  a  band  and  a  great  procession  of  people 
to  the  Mayor's  house.  After  a  short  address  from  the 
veranda,  thanking  the  people  for  his  kind  reception,  he 
repaired  inside  to  rest  and  to  dine. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  given  a  like  though  possibly  not  so 
demonstrative  a  reception,  and  escorted  to  the  Geiger 
House.1  By  2 130  in  the  afternoon  a  vast  concourse  of 
some  twelve  thousand  persons  had  assembled  to  hear  the 
discussion,  which  was  opened  promptly  by  Mr.  Douglas. 
He  was  greeted  with  applause,  and  listened  to  with  eager 
attention  and  interest.  Occasional  cheers  and  bursts  of 
applause  interrupted  the  gifted  Senator,  but  they  were 
moderate  when  compared  to  the  storm  of  applause  that 
greeted  Mr.  Lincoln  when  he  arose  to  reply.  But  Lin- 
coln was  among  friends,  since  Ottawa  was  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  strongest  antislavery  section  of  the  State. 
Nevertheless,  his  eloquence  and  forcible  logic  raised  his 
audience  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm.2  After  the 
debate  they  carried  him  to  the  train  on  their  shoulders.3 

Similar  demonstrations  attended  the  other  six  joint 
debates.  Enthusiasm  prevailed  everywhere.  Enormous 
crowds — varying  from  five  thousand  to  eighteen  thou- 
sand people  (with  the  exception  of  Jonesboro) — were 
in  attendance.4  Music,  processions,  banners,  and  fire- 
works were  indulged  in.  Both  candidates  were  well 

1  For  account  of  doings  at  the  Ottawa  Debate,  see  the  "Chicago  Press 
and  Tribune,"  August  23,  1858. 

4  "Press  and  Tribune,"  August  23,  1858. 

3  Lincoln  in  his  Jonesboro  speech,  "Debates,"  page  129,  130. 

4  The    "Press  and  Tribune"  gives  the  attendance  as  follows:    Ottawa; 
12,000;   Freeport,  15,000;   Jonesboro,  1,400  to  1,500;   Charleston,  12,000  to  15,000, 
Galesburg,  18,000;  Quincy,  12,000;  Alton,  4,000  to  5,000;  October  iS,  1858. 


2l6  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

received  everywhere,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  seems  to  have 
received  most  of  the  applause.1  The  participants  con- 
fined themselves  in  the  debates  to  a  few  great  central 
issues,  and  much  of  their  first  arguments  was  repeated 
at  each  successive  contest.  Mr.  Lincoln,  however,  did 
succeed,  from  time  to  time,  in  introducing  some  new 
evidence  and  additional  weighty  arguments,  but  Senator 
Douglas,  though  he  was  able  in  most  cases  to  find 
answers  to  his  opponent's  points,  failed  to  bring  forward 
much  that  was  original  or  new.  He  accused  the  Republi- 
cans of  scheming  to  abolish  slavery  ultimately  in  the  States 
as  well  as  in  the  Territories,  of  desiring  negro  equality  and 
amalgamation,2  of  advocating  the  immediate  repeal  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and  of  attacking  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  because  they  disapproved  of  the 
Dred  Scott  decision,  and  he  argued  that  his  plan  of  popu- 
lar sovereignty,  if  rightly  carried  out,  would  settle  success- 
fully and  amicably  the  slavery  question.3 

Mr.  Lincoln  replied  that  the  Republicans  had  no  inten- 

1  For  description  of  these  debates  see  "Press  and  Tribune,"  "Times"  or 
"Journal,"  August  23  to  October  18,  1856.  Some  of  the  banners  carried  by  the 
Republicans  at  these  debates  were  very  amusing.  At  Freeport,  for  example, 
there  were  these:  "Carroll  County  for  Abe  Lincoln,"  "Winnebago  County 
for  Old  Abe."  At  Charleston  there  was  one,  "Coles  County  400  majority  for 
Lincoln";  on  the  back  of  which  was  a  picture  of  Mr.  Lincoln  plowing  corn, 
and  entitled,  "Old  Abe,  30  years  ago."  The  Champaign  County  delegation, 
which  came  to  hear  him  at  Monticello,  had  a  banner  bearing  these  words: 
"CArtwzpaign  for  Old  Abe  is  Real  Pain  for  Dug." 

*0n  this  point  he  said  at  Ottawa:  "Do  you  desire  to  turn  this  beautiful 
State  into  a  free  negro  colony  in  order  that  when  Missouri  abolishes  slavery 
she  can  send  100,000  emancipated  slaves  into  Illinois  to  become  citizens  and 
voters  on  an  equality  with  yourselves.'  If  you  desire  negro  citizenship,  if  you 
desire  to  allow  them  to  come  into  the  State  and  settle  with  the  white  man,  if 
you  desire  them  to  to  vote  on  an  equality  with  yourselves,  and  to  make  them 
eligible  to  office,  to  serve  on  juries  and  to  adjudge  your  rights,  then  support 
Mr.  Linculn  and  the  Black  Republican  party,  who  are  in  favor  of  the  citizen- 
ship of  the  negro.  For  one,  1  am  opposed  to  negro  citizenship  in  any  and 
every  form."  "Debates,"  page  71.  In  the  same  speech  he  says  that  Lincoln 
believes  the  negro  his  "equal,  and  hence  his  brother,"  and  adds:  "Lincoln  has 
evidently  learned  by  heart  Parson  Lovejoy's  catechism." — "Lincoln-Douglas 
Debates,"  page  71. 

3  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  Chicago,  Ottawa,  Freeport  and  Jonesboro 
speeches.  < 


LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION  217 

tion  whatever  of  disturbing  slavery  in  the  Southern  States, 
and  that,  in  regard  to  negro  equality,  "there  is  no  reason 
in  the  world  why  the  negro  is  not  entitled  to  all  the 
natural  rights  enumerated  in  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, the  right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness. I  hold  that  he  is  as  much  entitled  to  these  as  the 
white  man.  I  agree  with  Judge  Douglas  he  is  not  my 
equal  in  many  respects — certainly  not  in  color,  perhaps 
not  in  moral  or  intellectual  endowment.  But  in  the  right 
to  eat  the  bread,  without  the  leave  of  anybody  else,  which 
his  own  hand  earns,  he  is  my  equal  and  the  equal  of  Judge 
Douglas,  and  the  equal  of  every  living  man.1  All  I  ask 
for  the  negro  is,  that  if  you  do  not  like  him,  let  him  alone. 
If  God  gave  him  but  little,  that  little  let  him  enjoy."  2 

Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  favor  the  unconditional  repeal  of 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  but  rather  a  removal  of  its  most 
irritating  features.  Slavery  should  be  gradually  abolished 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  provided  a  just  compensation 
were  paid  "to  unwilling  owners."  He  was  not  opposed 
to  the  Dred  Scott  decision  as  such,  but  as  a  "rule  of 
political  action"  that  the  people  and  all  departments  of 
the  government  must  follow.3 

In  regard  to  "popular  sovereignty,"  Mr.  Lincoln 
showed  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  the  Dred  Scott  case — at  least  as  far  as 
slavery  was  concerned.  "Can  the  people  of  a  United 
States  Territory,"  he  asked  Senator  Douglas,  at  Free- 
port,  "in  any  lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen 
of  the  United  States,  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  prior 
to  the  formation  of  a  State  Constitution?" 

To  this  Mr.  Douglas  replied:  "I  answer  emphatically 

1  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  75. 
'"Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  63. 
3  "Lincoln  Douglas  Debates,"  page  61. 


218  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

....  the  people  of  a  Territory  can  ....  introduce  it, 
or  exclude  it,  as  they  please,  for  the  reason  that  slavery 
cannot  exist  a  day  or  an  hour  anywhere,  unless  it  is  sup- 
ported by  local  police  regulations.  Those  police  regula- 
tions can  only  be  established  by  the  local  legislature,  and 
if  the  people  are  opposed  to  slavery,  they  will  elect  repre- 
sentatives to  that  body  who  will  by  unfriendly  legislation 
effectually  prevent  the  introduction  of  it  into  their  midst.1 
If,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  for  it,  their  legislature  will 
favor  its  extension.  Hence,  no  matter  what  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  may  be  on  that  abstract  question, 
still  the  right  of  the  people  to  make  a  slave  Territory  or 
a  free  Territory  is  perfect  and  complete  under  the 
Nebraska  bill."2 

It  is  generally  admitted  that  in  thus  disregarding  the 
Supreme  Court  decision  in  the  Dred  Scott  case — as  ap- 
plied to  the  Territories — Mr.  Douglas  lost  his  hold  on  the 
Southern  Democrats,  and  thereby  injured  his  chances  for 
the  Presidency.3  His  reply  to  Lincoln's  question  was  not 
a  direct  answer,  but  rather  a  sophistical  evasion  which,  if 
generally  accepted,  would  have  deprived  the  South  of  all 
the  advantages  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  The  South- 
erners were  accordingly  enraged,  and  believed  that  Senator 
Douglas  had  deliberately  deserted  a  principle  he  was 
pledged  to  support.  This  completed  the  rupture  between 
the  party  leaders,  begun  over  the  Lecompton  Constitu- 
tion, and  made  possible  the  complete  division  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  i860.4 

1  "Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,"  page  90.  Question  2.  Mr.  Lincoln  proposed 
four  questions  for  Mr.  Douglas's  consideration  and  answer,  at  Freeport. 

"  "Lincoln  Douglas  Debates,"  page  95.    (Freeport  Joint  Debate.) 

3  See  Nicholay  &  Hay,  "Lincoln,"  in  "Century,"  for  July,  1887,  page  394; 
Morse,  "Li»coln,"  Vol.  1.,  page  142;  Von  Hoist,  "Constitutional  History,"  vol. 
VI.,  page  292,  and  following;  Elaine,  "Twenty  Years  of  Congress,"  Vol.  1., 
page  148;  Wilson,  "Epochs  of  American  History,"  page  202,  etc. 

*  Speech  of  Senator  I.  P.  Benjamin,  of  Louisiana,  in  Senate,  May  22,  1860; 
quoted  by  Nicholay  &  Hay,  "Century,"  July,  1887,  page  395. 


LATER  SLAVERY  AGITATION  219 

Furthermore,  Mr.  Douglas  seems  to  have  injured  his 
reputation  somewhat  by  his  careless  or  intentional  error 
in  entirely  misquoting  the  Anti-Nebraska  platform  adopted 
at  the  Springfield  convention  in  October,  1854.  In  his 
Ottawa  speech  he  quoted  this,  and  declared  that  Lincoln 
was  a  party  to  it.  Mr.  Lincoln  showed  that  this  was  a 
bogus  platform,  never  adopted  at  Springfield,  but  con- 
cocted by  the  editor1  of  the  "Springfield  Register." 
Then,  too,  his  plain  misstatement  of  facts — as  when  he 
said  that  Lincoln  was  carried  off  by  his  friends  at  Ottawa 
because  too  weak  and  frightened  to  stand — told  against 
him. 

These  seven  joint  debates  were  but  a  section  of  the 
Illinois  political  canvass  in  1858.  That  canvass  was  with- 
out doubt  the  greatest  political  campaign  ever  conducted 
in  this  State. *  Besides  the  speeches  already  referred  to, 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Douglas  travelled  over  most  of  the 
State  for  a  period  of  a  hundred  days  (from  July  9  to 
November  2),  making  speeches  everywhere.3  The  Con- 
gressional candidates  and  the  nominees  of  both  parties  for 
State  offices  all  took  the  stump.  The  Republican  party 
was  more  active  than  ever  before.  J.  M.  Palmer,  Judge 
Trumbull,  Oglesby,  Blair,  Conklin,  Yates,  B.  C.  Cook, 
and  others  were  kept  busy  addressing  the  people.  Hecker 
and  Carl  Schurz  made  speeches  to  the  Germans. 

In  October  Governor  Chase  and  Ex-Governor  Johnson 
of  Pennsylvania  arrived  to  share  in  the  work.4  The  result 
was  a  victory  for  both  parties.  The  Republicans  elected 

1  A  friend  of  Mr.  Douglas. 

2  The  "Press  and  Tribune,"  October  15,  1858,  calls  it  "the  most  brilliant 
and  successful  political  canvass  ever  made  in  the  country." 

3  "Last  year  in  the  Illinois  canvass,  1  made  just  130  speeches."     Douglas's 
Wooster,  Ohio,  speech,  quoted  by  Nicholay  &  Hay,  ''Century,"  July,  1887, 
page  3&g,  note. 

*  "Press  and  Tribune,"  August  20,  October  28,  1858. 


220  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

their  State  ticket  by  a  majority  of  some  four  thousand 
votes,1  and  their  Congressional  candidates  in  the  first  four 
districts  by  large  majorities.2  The  Democrats  elected  the 
remaining  Congressmen,  and  returned  Mr.  Douglas  to  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  fifty-four  to  forty-six  on  the  joint 
ballot  in  the  Legislature.3 

There  are  several  reasons  why  Mr.  Douglas  should 
have  come  out  so  successfully  in  this  campaign.4  The 
chief  of  these  was  the  fact  that  the  existing  legislative 
apportionment  was  greatly  in  his  favor.  It  had  been 
framed  by  the  Democrats  on  the  Census  of  1850,  and  it 
was  calculated  that  under  ordinary  circumstances,  Mr. 
Douglas  would  control  a  majority  of  three  in  the  Senate 
and  nine  in  the  House  at  least.  The  increase  in  popula- 
tion since  1850  was  largely  in  the  Northern  portion  of  the 
State,  and  accrued  to  the  advantage  of  the  Republicans, 
but  it  availed  them  little  under  the  old  apportionment. 
This  alone  was  enough  to  insure  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 

In  addition,  the  Democratic  forces  were  better  and 
more  efficiently  organized  than  the  Republicans,  the  per- 
sonal popularity  of  Judge  Douglas  was  still  very  great, 
and  his  cooperation  with  Chittenden  and  Seward  in  defeat- 
ing the  Lecompton  plans  of  the  Buchanan  administration, 
together  with  the  consequent  opposition  of  that  adminis- 
tration to  him  in  this  campaign,  won  him  innumerable 
votes,  as  it  was  felt  that  he  was  running  in  opposition  to 
the  proslavery  party.  His  adroit  methods  of  "making 
light  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision"  which  the  Republicans 

1  "Press  and  Tribune,"  November  18,  1858:  Miller's  (Rep.)  majority,  4,025. 
Republican  majority  on  Congressional  election,  4,144. 

2  Vote  as  given  in  "Press  and  Tribune"   (Rep.  majority):  ist  District, 
9,414;  2d  District,  8,639;  3d  District,  7,443;  4th  District,  2,711. 

3  "Press  and  Tribune,"  November  5, 1858. 

*  "Press  and  Tribune,"  November  5,  1858,  for  the  causes  of  Lincoln's 
defeat,  from  a  Republican  standpoint. 


LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION  221 

were  striving  to  make  the  chief  issue  of  the  campaign, 
contributed  not  a  little  to  the  favorable  result. 

As  to  the  outcome  of  the  personal  encounter  between 
him  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  it  Jias  been  universally  admitted 
that  in  principle,  in  self-control,  in  logical  argument,  JMr. 
Lincoln  had  the  advantage.  On  the  other  hand,  it  must 
be  admitted  that  no  one  then  living  could  have  made  a 
more  brilliant  or  masterful  defense  than  did  Senator 
Douglas  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  in  which  he 
stood.1 

The  efforts  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  this  canvass,  and  in  the 
speeches  he  made  the  following  year  in  Ohio  and  the  East, 
brought  him  before  the  American  people  in  an  unexampled 
manner.  From  a  somewhat  obscure  politician  in  Illinois, 
he  awoke  up  to  find  himself  one  of  the  foremost  antislav- 
ery  leaders  and  popular  orators  in  the  United  States. 
Thus  was  made  possible  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency 
by  the  Republican  party  at  Chicago,  in  May,  1860.  3 

The  history  of  the  campaign  of  1860  and  its  outcome 
are  well  known.  They  need  not  be  detailed  here.  It  is 
perhaps  sufficient  to  recall  to  mind  the  fact  that  the  elec- 
tion of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  made  possible  by  a  division  in  the 
Democratic  ranks — the  Northern  section  supporting  Mr. 
Douglas  and  the  Southern  Mr.  Breckenridge.  In  Illinois 
the  Republicans  carried  both  the  National  and  State  tick- 
ets amid  gi~at  enthusiasm  and  excitement.4 

During  the  critical  years  that  followed,  Illinois  stood 

1  See  "Elaine,"  Vol.  1.,  page  148,  and  following. 

*The  editor  of  the  "Press  and  Tribune,"  in  an  editorial  "Closing  the  Can- 
vass," October  29, 1858,  wrote:  "He  entered  upon  the  canvass  with  a  reputation 
confined  to  his  own  State;  he  closes  it  with  his  name  a  household  word  wher- 
ever the  principles  he  holds  are  honored,  and  with  the  respect  of  his  opponents 
in  all  sections  of  the  country." 

•3  He  was  nominated  on  the  third  ballot  by  364  votes  out  of  a  total  of  466, 
Mr.  Seward  being  the  chief  competitor.  "Press  and  Tribune,"  May  19,  1860. 

*  Lincoln's  majority  over  Douglas  was  11,996.  "Press  and  Tribune," 
November  19,  1860. 


222  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

faithfully  by  her  great  son,  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas  led 
the  Northern  Democracy  to  the  support  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in 
the  dark  days  of  1861. 

With  the  organization  of  a  new  and  powerful  political 
party,  and  the  election  of  a  President  pledged  to  the  ulti- 
mate extinction  of  slavery,  the  long  period  of  slavery 
agitation  drew  to  a  close.  The  question  was  henceforth 
not  one  of  political  action,  but  of  military  force.  The 
labors  of  the  antislavery  men  had  at  length  met  with  a 
well-deserved  reward.  It  is  not  pretended  here  that  the 
abolitionists  brought  about  the  final  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  United  States,  but  their  work  contributed  not  a 
little  to  that  end. 

The  antislavery  men  exerted  an  influence  in  two  ways 
— morally  and  politically.  For  a  period  of  over  twenty 
years  they  agitated  the  subject  of  slavery  throughout  the 
North.  They  denounced  it  as  a  sin  and  a  disgrace  to  the 
Nation.  It  is  true  that  they  were  despised  and  hooted  at 
when  they  began  their  labors,  and  that  their  zeal  and 
exalted  devotion  to  one  idea  often  led  them  into  the  advo- 
cacy of  measures  too  radical  for  the  time,  and  of  theories 
which  savored  too  much  of  fanaticism — and  perhaps  of 
religious  enthusiasm — to  meet  the  approval  of  their  fellow- 
citizens. 

Their  opponents  took  advantage  of  their  errors  to  mis- 
represent them  wilfully  and  woefully  and  to  hold  them  up 
to  ridicule.  The  abolitionists  were,  however,  honest  in 
their  convictions,  and  ever  faithful  in  the  performance  of 
what  seemed  to  them  an  imperative  duty.  They  were 
convinced  that,  in  the  main,  they  were  right.  It  was  a 
question  of  principle  with  them,  not  of  men  or  of  meas- 
ures, and  they  proposed  to  fight  it  out  on  that  line  to  the 
end.  In  the  course  of  time  these  antislavery  men,  work- 


LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION  223 

ing  through  the  press,  the  pulpit,  and  the  stump,  created 
the  beginnings  of  an  antislavery  sentiment.  It  was  small 
at  first,  but  each  year  saw  it  increasing  in  strength  and 
widening  in  influence.  Steadily,  earnestly,  energetically, 
the  abolitionists  worked  in  each  Northern  State  until  in 
each  section  the  people  had  been  aroused  to  feel  that 
slavery  was  a  great  moral  and  political  evil.  Then  they 
joined  hands  from  State  to  State  throughout  the  North, 
worked  with  more  harmony,  unison,  and  organization,  and 
at  length  saw  their  antislavery  doctrine  gradually  meeting 
with  some  degree  of  universal  acceptance. 

Politically  also  their  influence  was  considerable.  At 
first  they  abstained  from  voting,  but  it  was  not  long  before 
they  realized  that  only  through  political  action  could  they 
expect  to  make  any  real  headway  against  the  evil  of  slav- 
ery.1 Not  being  able  to  join  with  any  of  the  existing 
political  parties,  because  they  did  not  recognize  the  slav- 
ery issue  in  their  platforms,  the  antislavery  men  organized 
a  party  of  their  own  on  the  single  plank  of  opposition  to 
slavery.  In  all  the  various  forms  of  their  political  action 
— in  the  Liberty,  the  Free  Soil,  and  the  Free  Democratic 
parties — they  were  aiming  at  the  same  result — the  limita- 
tion and  ultimate  extinction  of  slavery.  It  was  not  many 
years  before  their  vote  was  felt  and  sought  for.  In  many 
sections  they  came  to  hold  the  balance  of  power,  so  that 
no  candidate  dared  to  run  without  declaring  his  position 
on  the  slavery  question.  By  the  election  of  a  few  capable 
Senators  and  Congressmen,  they  exerted  an  influence  in 
national  circles  that  was  not  to  be  despised. 

It  required  much  moral  courage  and  great  devotion  to 

1  Referring  to  Lincoln,  Mr.  Eastman  once  said:  "He  is  a  politician,  as 
every  man  must  be  who  holds  an  important  office,  and  such  men,  and  only 
such,  can  kill  slavery,  because  ....  the  life  of  slavery  is  its  political 

§ower."    Lecture  on  the  "History  of  the  Antislavery  Agitation  in  the  United 
tales,"  read  at  Fishponds,  near  Bristol,  England.    Unpublished  MS.,  page  44, 


224  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

the  cause  to  vote  year  after  year  for  men  whom  it  was 
impossible  to  elect.  It  was  not  an  easy  thing  to  work  on 
term  after  term  in  the  face  of  discouraging  odds,  in- 
numerable obstacles,  and  irritating  limitations — the  least 
of  which  was  the  lack  of  financial  facilities — and  then,  to 
be  laughed  and  jeered  at  for  one's  pains.  Enough  cannot 
be  said  in  praise  of  the  self-sacrifice,  the  patient  perse- 
verance, the  conscientious  devotion  to  duty,  the  high  sense 
of  political  honor,  and  withal,  the  genial  liberality  of  these 
men.  Never  disheartened,  but  with  unalterable  faith  in 
the  justness  and  righteousness  of  their  cause,  they  labored 
on  confident  of  the  ultimate  victory  of  the  right. 

When  at  last  they  cast  their  votes  for  Lincoln  and  saw 
him  elected,  they  felt  that  their  day  of  triumph  had  come. 
All  the  devotion,  the  self-sacrifice,  the  labor,  the  trials, 
the  discouragements,  the  hopes,  and  the  triumphs  of 
twenty  years  were  concentrated  in  that  ballot.  It  was  a 
vote  that  paid.  No  citizen  of  the  United  States  ever  felt 
before  or  since  such  a  sense  of  genuine  pleasure  and  of 
just  reward  in  any  political  act  as  an  old-time  antislav- 
ery  man  did  sharing  in  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln.1 

The  abolitionists  of  Illinois  shared  the  burden  of  agi- 
tation with  their  Eastern  brethren,  and  long  years  of 
patient  toil  elapsed  before  the  great  political  leaders  of 
the  State  were  ready  to  join  hands  with  the  Liberty  men. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  in  praise  of  Lincoln, 
Palmer,  Trumbull,  Yates,  Oglesby,  Judd,  and  others  who, 
realizing  that  the  slavery  problem  was  a  question  of  prin- 
ciple, of  justice,  and  of  national  honor,  threw  themselves 

1  "It  was  just  a  twenty  years'  campaign  with  me.  During  that  time  I  never 
voted  with  the  least  hope  of  success  for  my  candidate,  high  or  low,  until  I  voted 
for  Lincoln.  That  1  voted  with  an  emphasis.  My  political  purchase  for  twenty 
years  culminated  in  that  vote.  1  feel  now  completely  compensated  for  the 
twenty  years'  ostracism  from  political  life."  Unpublished  MS.  of  Mr.  Z.  East- 
man— "Lecture  on  Political  Questions  of  the  Day." 


LATER   SLAVERY  AGITATION  225 

into  the  contest  with  a  zeal  and  devotion  worthy  of  such 
a  cause,  and  succeeded  in  carrying  Illinois  for  the  Republi- 
can party  and  for  liberty.  But  sufficient  justice  has  not 
yet  been  done  the  work  of  such  self-sacrificing  and  con- 
scientious men  as  Z.  Eastman,  Owen  Lovejoy,  I.  Codding, 
and  James  Collins,  who,  in  the  midst  of  persecution,  pov- 
erty, and  tremendous  difficulties,  cleared  the  ground  and 
prepared  the  way  for  the  results  of  1 860. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

THE    PROGRESS   OF   SENTIMENT   ON   THE 
NEGRO   QUESTION. 

1840-1875. 

Before  1840,  and  for  several  years  after,  the  negro 
had  no  legal  status  in  Illinois.  He  was  an  ostracized  indi- 
vidual, existing,  by  the  sufferance  of  the  people  of 
Illinois,  without  citizenship  and  without  social  recognition. 
Before  the  Illinois  Supreme  Court  decisions  of  1843  and 
1845  there  were  three  classes  of  negroes:  indentured  ser- 
vants (those  serving  out  a  limited  period  of  time) ;  French 
slaves  (a  few  negroes  bound  to  perpetual  servitude) ;  and 
the  free  colored  people.  This  distinction  was  made  as 
late  as  December,  I845.1  The  condition  of  the  inden- 
tured negroes  and  of  the  French  slaves  has  already  been 
described.  Also,  the  story  of  how  they  acquired  their 
freedom  has  been  told.  Therefore  we  will  here  confine 
our  remarks  to  a  discussion  of  the  free  colored  people  and 
their  status  in  Illinois  before  the  Civil  War. 

As  we  have  seen,  negroes  in  the  early  forties  were  not 
allowed  to  vote,2  to  sue  for  their  liberty  in  the  courts,3  to 
serve  as  witnesses,4  to  hold  property,5  to  serve  in  the 

'The  negro  population  of  Madison  County  was  reported  in  December, 
1845,  as  follows:  "Free  males,  223;  tree  females,  209;  indentured,  3,  and  unin- 
dentured (French),  8." — Alton  Telegraph,  December  6, 1845.  See  also  Statutes, 
1829,  Act  to  Provide  for  the  Census,  Sec.  3,  passed  January  13;  approved 
March  8,  1845;  Revised  Statutes,  1845,  same  three  classes  described. 

2  Constitution  of  1818,  Art.  12,  Legal  Voters:    "All  •white  male  inhabitants 
above  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  actual  residents  of  the  State." 

3  Illinois  Statutes,  1829,  "Act  on  Negroes,"  etc.,  passed  January  17,  Sec.  4. 
First  acquired  by  negroes  through  the  case  of  Jarrot  vs.  Jarrot  in  1845. 

*  Illinois  Statutes,  1827,  "An  Act  Concerning  Practice."  Sec.  3,  dated  Feb- 
ruary 2. 

6  This  was  regulated  by  custom  rather  than  by  any  measure  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. The  people  of  Southern  and  Central  Illinois  were  bitterly  opposed  to  any 

226 


SENTIMENT   ON  THE   NEGRO   QUESTION     227 

State  militia,1  or  reside  in  the  State  without  showing  a 
certificate  of  freedom  at  some  County  Commissioner's 
Court  and  giving  a  thousand  dollars  bond  that  they  would 
never  become  a  county  charge.2 

Public  offices  of  every  kind  were  closed  to  them.  For 
the  most  part,  schools,  academies,  and  colleges  were  not 
open  to  them.  There  were  few  trades  or  lines  of  employ- 
ment in  which  it  was  easy  for  them  to  secure  work.  Lest 
they  should  attempt  to  form  alliances  with  the  whites, 
which  might  tend  to  give  them  some  sort  of  social  stand- 
ing, intermarriage  between  the  negroes  and  the  white 
people  was  forbidden  under  severe  penalty.3  With  the 
exception  of  Chicago  and  one  or  two  other  sections  in  'the 
northern  part,  and  Eden — with  possibly  Upper  Alton  and 
Belleville — in  the  southern  portion,  they  were  not  well 
received,  but  on  the  contrary  abused  and  ill-treated. 
Even  in  the  places  where  they  were  well  treated,  it  was 
only  the  few  who  had  any  regard  or  consideration  for 
them,  their  rights,  or  their  welfare. 

"Despised  and  rejected  of  men,"  the  poor  colored 
people  realized  that  freedom  in  Illinois  was  not  without 
its  drawbacks.  They  were  allowed  to  exist  free,  it  is 
true.  No  one  could  force  them  into  slavery,  but  the 
people  of  Illinois  granted  them  little  else.  ["The  great 
majority  of  citizens  did  not  care  to  see  Illinois  an  out- 
and-out  slave  state,  nor  were  they  anxious  to  see  the 

holding  of  lands  by  negroes,  and  even  to  any  settling  of  them  in  the  State. 
The  attitude  of  the  framers  of  the  proposed  constitution  of  1861-2  shows  this 
plainly.  See  Art.  XV11L,  page  1098,  of  the  Journal  of  1861. 

'  Illinois  Statutes,  1826,  January  25;  "Act  for  the  Organization  and  Govern- 
ment of  Militia."  Sec.  i,  confined  to  "k\\  free -white  male  inhabitants"  between 
eighteen  and  forty-five  years.  See  same  in  Constitution  of  1818  and  1845,  under 
Malitia. 

2  Illinois  Statutes,  1826,  January  17,  "Act  on  Negroes,"  etc.,  Sec.  i. 

3  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1829,  January  17,  "An  Act  on  Negroes,"  etc.,  Sec.  3. 
Also  a  severe  penalty  was  to  be  inflicted  upon  any  officer  of  the  State  who 
should  grant  a  license  or  marry  any  negro  to  a  white.    This  was  a  blow  pri- 
marily at  the  abolitionists,  who  were  falsely  said  to  have  advocated  "amalga- 
mation" 


228  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

existing  condition  of  the  negro  improved  or  changed. 
But  rather,  as  was  said  so  many  times  later  during  the 
fifties,  they  preferred  just  to  let  him  alone — to  let  him 
enjoy  his  "right"  to  "life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness"  as  best  he  might. 

This  policy  of  "Laissez  faire,"  however,  could  not  go 
on  forever.  It  was  shaken  to  its  foundations  a  few  years 
later,  when  the  abolitionists  and  other  antislavery  men  in 
force  began  to  travel  up  and  down  the  State  advocating 
equality,  citizenship,  education,  and  moral  training  for 
the  negro.  But  it  was  a  long  time  before  the  policy  of 
the  State  really  changed,  or  the  status  of  the  colored 
people  radically  altered.  So  slow  has  been  the  movement 
toward  granting  complete  equality  that  in  some  sections 
of  the  State  there  has  been  but  little  advance  over  the 
conditions  of  1840-1845.  Indeed,  it  is  extremely  doubt- 
ful whether  they  will  ever  acquire  anything  like  complete 
equality  in  the  southern  portion  of  this  State. 

The  presence  of  the  free  negro  in  the  State  has  always 
been  a  source  of  irritation  and  discomfort  to  the  people 
of  Illinois,  especially  to  those  living  south  of  Springfield. 
One  of  the  most  vexatious  and  troublous  problems  that 
s,  his  existence  here  has  forced  upon  our  citizens  is  the 

question  of  negro  education.  Shall  he  be  educated  at  all? 
and  if  so,  shall  he  be  educated  together  with  the  white 
children,  or  in  schools  provided  especially  for  him?  These 
questions  were  asked  and  discussed  when  schools  and 
colleges  were  first  founded  in  the  State.  They  have  been 
questions  of  vital  importance  ever  since;  and  to-day  in 
some  parts  of  Southern  Illinois  the  final  solution  of  them 
has  not  yet  been  reached. 

When,  on  January  15,  1825,  the  Legislature  passed 
"An  Act  to  Provide  for  the  Establishment  of  Free 


SENTIMENT   ON   THE   NEGRO   QUESTION     229 

Schools, ' '  they  decreed  that  a  common  school  should  be 
established  in  each  county  which  should  "be  open  and 
free  to  every  class  of  white  citizens  between  the  ages  of 
five  and  twenty-one."1  From  that  time  until  1872  the 
Legislature  has  persisted  in  recognizing  the  public  schools 
as  institutions  for  white  children  only.2  In  the  special 
acts  to  incorporate  schools  in  the  various  towns  and  cities 
it  was  always  the  white  children  who  were  to  be  benefitted. 
This  was  true  as  late  as  i869,3  and  in  places  as  far  north 
as  Naperville.4  Not  satisfied  with  closing  the  public 
schools  to  the  negroes,  the  legislators  went  a  step  further. 
In  December,  1826,  they  passed  a  law  concerning  the 
apprenticeship  of  children,  in  which  it  was  provided: 
"That  the  master  or  mistress  to  whom  such  child  shall  be 
bound  as  aforesaid  shall  cause  such  child  to  be  taught  to 
read  and  write  and  the  ground  rules  of  arithmetic,  .... 
except  when  such  apprentice  is  a  negro  or  mulatto." 5  This 
was  kept  in  force  until  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State 
declared  the  holding  of  negro  apprentices  illegal,  in  1845. 6 
Furthermore,  the  legislators  seem  to  have  had  no  com- 
punction about  compelling  the  free  negroes  to  pay  taxes 
for  schools  from  which  they  derived  no  benefit.7  It  was 
not  until  1855  that  any  notice  appears  to  have  been  taken 
of  this  injustice.  In  that  year  the  Legislature  provided 

1  Statutes  of  Illinois,  January  15,  "An  Act  to  Provide  for  the  Establishment 
of  Free  Schools,"  Sec.  i. 

"  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1872.  "Act  to  Establish  Schools,"  dated  April  i,  is  the 
first  which  fails  to  use  the  word  -white. 

3  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1860,  March  24 — Tuscola  Union,  Douglas  County. 

*  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1863,  June  13 — Naperville  Graded  Schools. 

"Statutes  of  Illinois,  1826,  December  30,  "Act  respecting  Apprentices," 
Sec.  4. 

6  This  Section  of  the  Act  on  "Apprentices"  appears  for  the  last  time  in  the 
Revised  Edition  of  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1845,  approved  March  3,  1845. 

7  The  "Alton  Telegraph"  published  an  editorial  on  April  14,  1853,  praising 
Ohio  for  establishing  schools  for  colored  children,  and  criticising  Illinois  for 
taking  money  from  the  blacks  to  educate  the  white  children;  but  to  no  pur- 
pose.   The  Legislature  and  people  paid  no  heed. 


230  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

that:  "In  townships  where  there  are  persons  of  color  the 
Board  of  Trustees  shall  allow  such  persons  a  portion  o: 
the  school  fund  equal  to  the  amount  of  taxes  collected  foi 
school  purposes  from  such  persons  of  color,  in  their  re- 
spective townships."1  The  ostensible  purpose  of  this 
regulation  would  seem  to  have  been  the  establishment  o; 
free  schools  for  the  negroes.  But  no  other  provisions 
were  made  to  secure  such  an  end.  Nor  does  the  State  evei 
appear  to  have  seriously  attempted  any  such  movement.2 
We  must  not  conclude  from  what  has  just  been  statec 
that  the  negroes  were  entirely  precluded  from  enjoying 
the  advantages  of  a  common  school  education  before  the 
war.  In  the  early  days,  "when  schools  were  first  being 
established  in  the  State,  there  were  two  notable  exceptions 
at  least,  among  the  numerous  institutions  for  "white  chil- 
dren between  the  ages  of  five  and  twenty-one."  The 
earlier  of  these  exceptions  was  the  public  school  at  Alton, 
This  was  incorporated  in  1821  by  an  Act  which  providec 
that  "every  child  of  suitable  age"  should  attend.3  This 
would  not  necessarily  imply  that  colored  children  were 
intended  to  be  included  in  the  word  "every."  But  wher 
we  remember  that  until  three  or  four  years  ago,  when  the 
city  officials  of  Alton  by  skilful  management  shifted  all 
the  colored  scholars  into  two  schools  where  they  were  tc 
be  taught  by  themselves,  the  white  and  the  negro  children 
attended  the  same  schools,  we  may  then  safely  conclude 
that  the  first  school  was  open  to  both.  At  any  rate,  il 
this  was  not  so  at  the  very  first,  it  was  not  many  years 
before  colored  children  were  tolerated  in  the  Alton  public 
schools. 

Statutes  of  Illinois,  1885,  School  Act,  Sec.  79-81,  dated  February  15. 

•The  State  Superintendent  of  Schools,  at  Springfield,  possesses  to-day  nc 
data  even  on  the  colored  schools  in  the  State. 

3  Statutes  of  Illinois,  "An  Act  for  Appointing  Trustees  for  the  Town  o 
Alton,"  approved  January  30,  1822. 


SENTIMENT  ON  THE  NEGRO   QUESTION     231 

The  second  exception,  and  the  earliest  case  it  would 
seem,  where  the  intention  to  admit  negroes  was  clear  and 
decided,  was  the  Hamilton  Primary  School  in  Jersey 
County.  This  was  founded  by  Dr.  Silas  Hamilton,  who 
left  by  his  will,  dated  the  2Oth  of  October,  1834,*  four 
thousand  dollars,  of  which  two  thousand  was  to  be  used 
to  erect  a  suitable 2  building  and  two  thousand  was  to  be 
reserved  as  an  endowment  fund  for  the  support  of  a 
teacher.3  There  seems  to  have  been  some  little  delay  in 
getting  the  institution  started,  but  it  was  finally  incorpo- 
rated by  the  State  Legislature  on  February  I,  1840.  In 
that  act  it  was  provided  that  "the  said  school  shall  be 
open  to  all  classes  of  people  and  denominations  of  Chris- 
tians." *  This  was  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  Dr. 
Hamilton,  who,  we  are  assured  by  those  who  have  had 
charge  of  the  finances  of  this  school  for  years,  desired 
that  the  negroes  of  the  district  might  enjoy  the  advantages 
of  education.  A  number  of  colored  children  attended  it 
during  the  forties  and  fifties,5  as  well  as  a  goodly  number 
of  white  children,  some  of  whom  came  later  to  be  num- 
bered among  Illinois's  most  prominent  sons.' 

As  the  years  went  on  and  the  antislavery  sentiment 
grew  powerful  in  Northern  Illinois,  the  colored  people 
were  suffered  to  attend  the  public  schools  without  moles- 

1  This  will  was  probated  at  Carrollton  (Greene  County),  and  a  copy  of  part 
of  it  may  be  seen  in  the  County  Records  at  Jerseyville,  Jersey  County,  111. 

*  "Suitable-  for  a  school  and  for  a  place  of  worship,"  reads  the  will. 

"  And  "for  the  benefit  of  my  friends  and  relations  in  this  neighborhood," 
reads  the  will. 

*  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1840 — "Act  to  Establish  Hamilton  Primary  School," 
approved  February  i. 

6  One  of  these — George  \Vashington  Hamilton — inherited  a  considerable 
sum  of  money  from  Dr  Hamilton,  and  being  thrifty  and  capable,  he  accumu- 
lated quite  a  little  fortune  before  he  died.  He  left  Si, BOO  to  build  a  monument 
for  his  master  and  benefactor,  and  Sio.ooo  to  educate  negro  people.  This  fund, 
now  amounting  to  about  §18,000,  is  under  the  control  of  a  committee  of  five, 
and  supports  from  three  to  seven  negroes  annually  at  the  Hampton  Institute 
in  North  Carolina. 

6  Such  as  Hon.  T.  S.  Chapman,  S.  V.  (Deacon)  White,  Levi  Sidway,  Gen- 
eral John  Hamilton,  Judge  Stillwell,  and  others. 


232  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

tation  or  question  in  many  places.  In  the  matter  of  higher 
education  the  attitude  of  the  Illinoisans  towards  the  free 
colored  people  was  practically  the  same  as  it  was  regard- 
ing their  admittance  to  the  public  schools.  In  the  "Act 
to  incorporate  Jerseyville  Academy" — one  of  the  earliest 
of  the  academies  to  be  founded — it  was  provided  that 
"the  Academy,  when  erected  and  in  operation,  shall  at 
all  times  be  open  for  the  use  and  privilege  of  any  free 
white  person  within  the  United  States."  * 

Similar  provisions  are  to  be  found  in  the  acts  of  incor- 
poration of  many  other  academies,2  and  also  in  the  General 
Act  "to  incorporate  Academies  and  Seminaries  of  Learn- 
ing,"3 passed  March  6,  1843.*  It  is  true  that  many  of 
these  academies 5  and  practically  all  the  colleges 6  were, 
like  Alton  College  (now  Shurtleff),  "open  to  all  persons 
of  good  morals."7  This  sounds  well,  but  if  we  could 
visit  every  one  of  these  institutions  and  investigate  their 
records  which  antedate  i860,  we  should  doubtless  find 
very  few,  if  any,  that  actually  admitted  colored  students 
within  their  walls  before  that  date.  For,  in  many  sec- 
tions, negroes  were  very  far  from  being  considered  as 
"persons  of  good  morals,"  and  there  seems  to  have  been, 
throughout  the  State,  except  in  the  strong  abolition  cen- 

1  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1837,  March  i:  "An  Act  .to  incorporate  Jerseyville 
Academy." 

a  See  Statutes  of  Illinois: 

1837,  February  24:  "An  Act  to  incorporate  Rushville  Academy." 
1841,  February  27:  "An  Act  to  incorporate  Juliet  Academy"  (Will  Co.). 
1841,  February  27:  "An  Act  to  incorporate  Naperville  Academy." 
1839,  March  2:  "An  Act  to  incorporate  Warren  County  Male  and  Fe- 
male Seminary,"  etc. 

3  These  were  replaced  later  by  our  present  system  of  high  schools. 
*  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1843;  also  in  Revised  Statutes,  1845,  and  approved. 
B  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1836-7-40;  Lacon,  Gramicle,  Griggsville,  Peoria,  Pitts- 
field,  Quincy  Academies,  etc. 

6  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1833-40;  "Union,"  "McDonough,"  "Belvidere," 
"Knox,"  "Stonington,"  "Hanover,"  "St.  Mary's,"  "Rush,''  etc. 

'Statutes  of  Illinois,  1833;  "An  Act  to  incorporate  Alton  College," 
approved  March  i,  Sec.  7. 


SENTIMENT  ON  THE  NEGRO   QUESTION     233 

tres  in  the  north,  a  most  decided  opposition  to  the  educa- 
tion of  colored  people. 

Previous  to  the  sixties  there  was  but  one  serious  at- 
tempt made  to  secure  the  admission  of  the  negro  to  the 
public  schools.  The  committee  on  education  at  the  Con- 
stitutional convention  of  1847,  °f  which  John  M.  Palmer 
was  a  leading  member,  proposed  to  introduce  a  clause  in 
the  new  Constitution  authorizing  the  General  Assembly 
to  provide  a  system  of  common  schools  "equally  free  to  all 
the  children  of  the  State."1  This  was  ruled  out,  how- 
ever, in  the  convention,  and  no  real  change  occurred  in 
the  situation  until  the  schools  were  made  free  to  all — 
white  and  black  alike — in  I8/2.2 

As  the  antislavery  propaganda  began  to  find  support 
in  Illinois,  petitions  were  sent  to  the  Legislature,  asking 
for  the  repeal  of  the  "Black  Laws,"  which  practically 
ostracized  the  negro.3  No  heed  was  paid  to  them.  All 
the  agitation  of  the  abolitionists  for  twenty  years  could 
effect  nothing  on  this  point.  In  fact,  the  antipathy  of 
the  whites  for  the  negroes,  and  the  desire  to  keep  the 
colored  people  out  of  everything — politically  and  socially 
— seem  to  have  increased  with  the  growth  of  the  agitation 
for  their  freedom. 

Mr.  Kitchell,  in  the  Illinois  Senate  in  1829,  struck  the 
keynote  of  the  policy  toward  the  free  negroes,  which  was 
to  be  carried  out  consistently  and  persistently  by  the  lead- 
ers of  the  State's  politics  until  the  close  of  the  Civil  War. 
He  said:  "Their  residence  among  us,  even  as  servants, 
....  is  productive  of  moral  and  political  evil 

1  Report  of  the  committee,  section  3;  J.  M.  Palmer's  Unpublished  Memoirs, 
1847,  pages  8  and  10. 

2  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1872:  "Act  to  Establish  and  Maintain  a  System  of  Free 
Schools." 

3  See  the  "Western  Citizen,"  February  9,  1843;  January  16,  30,  1845;  Sep- 
tember 19,  1848;  "Chicago  Journal,"  December  3,  1844;  January  9,  1845;  Sep- 
tember 15,  1848,  and  many  others 


234  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

The  natural  difference  between  them  and  ourselves  forbids 
the  idea  that  they  should  ever  be  permitted  to  participate 
with  us  in  the  political  affairs  of  our  government."  1  The 
immigration  of  negroes  into  the  State  was  therefore  to  be 
discouraged,  since  it  would  be  a  great  calamity  to  have 
Illinois  overrun  with  free  blacks  who,  if  allowed  to  vote, 
might  get  the  control  of  the  Government  into  their  hands. 
This  was  the  attitude  not  only  of  the  residents  of  South- 
ern Illinois,  but  also  of  nearly  every  good  Democrat  in  the 
State.2 

Although  nothing  was  done  by  the  Senate  in  that  year 
(1829)  to  forbid  the  settling  of  free  negroes  in  the  State, 
the  Legislature  began  at  once  to  place  obstacles  in  their 
way.  Ten  days  after  Mr.  Kitchell's  speech,  an  act  was 
passed  making  it  obligatory  upon  every  free  colored  per- 
son desiring  to  reside  in  the  State  to  show  a  certificate 
of  freedom  and  to  give  a  thousand-dollar  bond  that  he 
would  keep  the  laws  and  never  become  a  County  or  State 
charge.3 

In  1831  it  was  provided  further  that  no  colored  person 
should  be  allowed  to  enter  the  State  until  he  had  first 
shown  a  certificate  of  freedom  and  given  the  required 
bond.4  It  would  have  been  most  difficult  to  enforce  this, 
as  it  would  have  entailed  an  extensive  system  of  police 
along  the  boundary  of  Illinois.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  the  attempt  was  ever  made  to  put  this  regulation 
into  effect,  yet  it  shows  the  spirit  of  the  Legislature. 

The  House  in  1845,  by  way  of  answer  to  the  numer- 
ous petitions  for  the  repeal  of  the  "Black  Laws"  just 

1  Senate  Journal,  1828-29,  page  182. 

8  The  same  attitude  was  assumed  later  by  such  Democratic  leaders  as 
S.  A.  Douglas,  J.  Wentworth,  and  J.  A.  Logan. 

3  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1829,  "An  Act  on  Negroes,"  etc.,  Sec.  i. 
*  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1831,  "An  Act  on  Negroes,"  etc. 


SENTIMENT  ON  THE  NEGRO   QUESTION     235 

then  pouring  into  the  Legislative  halls,  declared  that  "the 
laws  prohibiting  the  marriage  of  whites  and  blacks  ought 
not  to  be  repealed,  and  that  free  negroes  ought  not  to  be 
allowed  to  vote."  1 

By  1847  the  sentiment  had  grown  strong  in  favor  of 
prohibiting  entirely  the  immigration  of  free  negroes  into 
the  State.  In  June  at  the  Constitutional  convention2  of 
that  year,  Mr.  Singleton  read  a  petition 3  praying  for  action 
against  the  free  negroes,  and  proposed  that  the  introduc- 
tion of  free  colored  persons  into  the  State  be  prohibited, 
and  that  the  question  be  submitted  to  popular  vote. 
Accordingly,  in  Article  XIV.  of  the  proposed  Constitution 
of  1848,  the  Legislature  was  empowered  to  pass  acts  at  its 
first  session,  which  shall  "effectually  prohibit  free  persons 
of  color  from  immigrating  to  and  settling  in  this  State."  4 

The  vote  on  this  article  was  taken  separately,  and  in 
spite  of  the  labors  of  the  antislavery  men,  the  "Western 
Citizen"  and  a  number  of  Whig  and  Democratic  papers, 
it  was  adopted  by  a  majority  of  28,i82.5  In  addition, 
the  Constitution  of  1848,  which  denied  the  right  of  suf- 
frage and  of  service  in  the  State  militia  to  the  negro,6  was 
approved  by  a  majority  of  44,028  votes.7 

The  question  now  was,  Would  the  Legislature  really 
enact  laws  to  prevent  the  immigration  of  free  blacks  into 
Illinois?  The  people  were  not  kept  long  in  waiting.  In 
January,  1853,  Mr.  John  A.  Logan  brought  forward  a 
bill8  making  the  introduction  of  a  free  colored  person  into 

J  House  Journal,  1845,  January  8  or  g;  also  "Chicago  Journal,"  January  n. 

*  Held  at  Springfield. 

3  Signed  by  H.  G.  Grimsley  and  five  others. 

••Convention  Journal,  pages  95-6. 

"Official  returns  given  in  "Western  Citizen,"  April  25,  1848. 

•  Constitution  of  1848,  Articles  VI.  (Sec.  i)  and  VIII. 
T  "Western  Citizen,"  April  25,  1848. 

8  House  Journal,  1853,  page  271. 


NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

the  State  a  crime  punishable  by  a  fine  of  one  hundred 
dollars  to  five  hundred  dollars,  and  rendering  any  negro 
who  came  into  Illinois  liable,  within  ten  days,  to  arrest 
and  fine.  If  he  had  no  money,  he  must  serve  out  in  labor  his 
fine  and  the  costs  of  the  trial.  After  some  debate,  in  which 
Mr.  Logan  was  prominent,  the  bill  passed  the  House  on 
February  5,  by  a  vote  of  forty-five  to  twenty-three,1  and 
the  Senate  approved  it  on  the  nth  by  a  majority  of  four.2 

The  framers  of  this  law  had  evidently  two  purposes  in 
view.  In  the  first  place,  they  wished  to  satisfy  their  own 
and  their  constituents'  desires  in  regard  to  keeping  the 
colored  people  out  of  the  State.  In  the  second,  they 
wished  to  conciliate  their  Southern  neighbors.  This 
latter  object  they  thought  to  accomplish  by  a  special  pro- 
vision in  the  new  law,  giving  owners  the  right  to  "claim, 
prove,  and  take  back"  their  fugitive  slaves  on  payment 
of  the  costs.3  It  was  intended,  moreover,  as  a  blow  at 
the  abolitionists;  and  the  success  of  the  measure  is  to  be 
entirely  credited  to  the  Democratic  party,  at  that  time  in 
control  of  the  Legislature,  which  hated  the  negro  as  much 
as  it  did  every  species  of  antislavery  agitation. 

The  passage  of  the  act  raised  an  intense  and  extended 
discussion  all  over  the  State.  In  the  northern  part, 
numerous  mass  meetings  were  held  and  the  bill  was  univer- 
sally condemned.  The  press  was  quite  generally  opposed 
to  it,  and  outspoken  in  its  condemnation.  Only  a  few 
Democratic  sheets,  devoted  to  the  administration,  at- 
tempted any  defense.4  But,  while  the  Free  Democrats, 

1  House  Journal.  1853,  pages  363-4,  442-3.    Mr.  Logan  of  course  voted  for 
this  measure,  and  a  few  days  before  he  voted,  with  an  enormous  majority  of  58 
to  7,  not  to  repeal  the  "Black  Laws."    Journal,  page  364. 

2  Senate  Journal,  1853,  February  u.  The  Governor  signed  the  act  on  theiath. 

3  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1853:  "An  Act  to  Prevent  the  Immigration  of  Free 
Negroes  into  the  State."    Sections  i-g. 

*The  "Alton  Telegraph"  claimed,  March  12,  1853,  that  the  "Quincy  Her 
aid"  and  the  "State  Register"  (Springfield)  were  the  only  ones  that  supported 
the  law. 


SENTIMENT   ON  THE   NEGRO   QUESTION     237 

Northern  Whigs,  and  many  Democrats  united  in  criticis- 
ing it,  it  is  doubtless  true  that  the  majority  of  citizens 
were  not  opposed  to  such  a  law  in  general.  Many  thought 
the  provisions  of  this  Act  of  1853  to°  radical  and  too 
stringent.  Some,  like  that  conservative  Democratic 
paper,  the  "Alton  Telegraph,"  feared  that  it  might  virtu- 
ally establish  slavery  in  Illinois.1  But  the  general  senti- 
ment seems  to  have  been  that  it  was  unconstitutional,  and 
that  it  could  not  and  would  not  be  enforced.2 

The  question  naturally  arises,  Was  the  Act  of  1853 
ever  put  in  force?  Yes.  At  least  three  cases3  of  the 
arrest  and  sale  of  negroes  are  reported  within  a  year  of 
its  passage.  The  actual  sale  of  the  last  of  these  did  not 
take  place,  because  the  negro  in  question  was  a  fugitive, 
and  by  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  his  case  was  brought 
before  Judge  Skinner  almost  immediately.  The  Judge 
declared  that  Section  VIII.  of  the  Act  of  1853  was  illegal 
and  void,  since  it  assumed  to  legislate  on  a  subject  over 
which  Congress  had  been  granted  exclusive  control  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.4 

The  negro  was  accordingly  discharged  from  custody; 
but  while  this  decision  nullified  one  part  of  the  law  of 
1853,  the  remainder  continued  in  force  until  January, 
1864.  At  that  time,  the  Illinois  Supreme  Court  decided, 
in  the  case  of  Nelson  vs.  the  People,5  that  the  sale  of 
a  negro  under  the  Act  of  1853  did  not  reduce  him  to 
slavery.  Finally,  just  as  the  Civil  War  was  closing, 

1  Issue  of  February  21, 1853. 

2 See  "Alton  Courier,'1  March  4,  1853;  also  "Chicago  Journal,"  "Press," 
"Galena  Jefiersonian,"  "Belleville  Advocate,"  etc.,  of  about  the  same  date. 

3  See  "Chicago  Journal,"  July  i,  1853;  "Nashville  Monitor,"  "Galena  Jef- 
fersonian."  August  i,  "Quincy  Whig,"  November  24;  also  "Belleville  Advo- 
cate" and  "Alton  Telegraph,''  December  9,  1853,  Dec.  14,  1853. 

4  Judge  Skinner  based  his  judgment  upon  the  decision  of  the  Illinois  Su- 
preme Court  in  Thornton's  case.    Illinois  cases,  page  332. 

B  33  Illinois,  page  390. 


238  NEGRO    SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

the  General  Assembly  repealed  the  much-controverted 
measure.1 

In  spite  of  all  the  agitation  incident  to  the  passage  and 
enforcement  of  the  law  of  1853,  an<^  the  triumph  of  the 
Republican,  or  Anti-Nebraska,  party,  in  1856,  the  attitude 
of  the  majority  of  Illinoisans  toward  the  negro,  per  se,  was 
not  materially  changed.  They  were  perhaps  willing  to 
allow  negro  residents  the  privilege  of  remaining  in  the 
State,  provided  they  obeyed  the  laws  and  were  peaceful. 
But  they  still  had  no  desire  to  make  them  citizens,  to  let 
them  hold  office,  possess  property,  or  attend  the  free 
schools.  Nor  did  they  wish  others  to  immigrate  into  the 
State. 

At  the  Constitutional  convention  held  in  Springfield 
in  1862,  an  article  referring  to  negroes  and  numbered 
XVIII.  was  added  on  March  5  to  the  proposed  Con- 
stitution. It  read  as  follows: 

Sec.  I.  "No  Negro  or  Mulatto  shall  migrate  or  settle 
in  this  State,  after  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution." 

Sec.  2.  "No  Negro  or  Mulatto  shall  have  the  right 
of  suffrage,  or  hold  any  office  in  this  State." 

Sec.  3.  "The  General  Assembly  shall  pass  all  laws 
necessary  to  carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  this 
article."2 

The  first  of  these  sections  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of 
57  to  7, 3  the  second  by  42  to  20, *  and  the  last  by  a.  ballot 
of  45  to  i8.5  This  article  was  to  be  submitted  to  a  special 
vote  of  the  people  along  with  the  Constitution,  and  each 

1  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1865,  "An  Act  to  Repeal  Section  16,"  etc.,  approved 
February  7. 

2  Convention  Journal,  1862,  page  1098  (in  Constitution). 

3  Convention  Journal,  1862,  page  692. 
*  Convention  Journal,  1862,  page  693. 

'The  party  strength  in  that  convention  was  as  follows:  Democrats,  45; 
Republicans,  21;  Fusionists,  7;  doubtful,  2. 


SENTIMENT  ON  THE  NEGRO   QUESTION     239 

section  was  to  be  balloted  on  separately.  The  origin  of 
this  measure  no  doubt  lay  with  the  Democrats,  who  were 
in  majority  at  the  convention,  yet  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  the  convention  was  nearly  a  unit  in  favoring  the  (first) 
section  that  prohibited  negro  immigration  into  the  State. 
The  popular  vote  on  the  proposed  Constitution  of  1 862 
was  taken  in  August  of  that  year.  Its  result  was  most 
remarkable.  The  Constitution  itself  was  defeated  by  a 
majority  of  16,051  votes.1  This  was  caused,  partly  by 
the  disgust  and  distrust  created  in  many  minds  by  the 
unusual  claims  of  supreme  authority  made  by  the  Con- 
vention, and  partly  by  the  fear  that  such  a  strongly  parti- 
san Constitution  would  throw  the  whole  State  Government 
completely  into  the  control  of  the  Democratic  party.2 
The  vote  on  the  negro  article  was  entirely  independent 
of  that  on  the  Constitution  proper.  The  first  section-, 
prohibiting  the  immigration  of  negroes  into  Illinois,  was 
approved  by  a  majority  of  100,590  votes;3  the  second — 
to  prevent  negroes  from  holding  office  and  from  voting — 
was  adopted  by  the  enormous  majority  of  176, 271, 3  only 
35,649  voting  against  it;  and  the  final  section,  authorizing 
the  Legislature  to  make  the  laws  necessary  to  enforce  the 
above,  was  passed  by  154,524  majority.4  No  better  com-v 
mentary  than  this  vote  can  be  found  on  the  real  attitude 
of  the  people  of  Illinois  toward  the  negro  at  that  time. 
They  did  not  want  him  in  the  State.  They  were  deter- 
mined to  keep  him  out,  and  those  of  his  kind  who  hap- 
pened to  be  already  residing  in  Illinois  they  would  let 
remain  on  mere  sufferance,  but  would  grant  them  none  of 

1  Official  vote  as  given  in  "Alton  Telegraph,"  August  15,  1862:  see  also  in 
Davidson  &  Stuve's  "Illinois,"  page  877. 

*  See  Davidson  &  Stuve's  "Illinois,"  pages  872-7,  and  papers  of  the  time. 
3  "Alton  Telegraph,"  August  15,  1862. 

*  "Alton  Telegraph,"  August  15,  1862. 


240  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

the  rights  or  privileges  of  citizenship.  The  result  of  the 
Civil  War  did  not  greatly  affect  the  prevalent  opinion  on 
these  points.  The  fact  that  a  Republican  State  Legisla- 
ture repealed  all  the  "Black  Laws"  and  the  Act  of  1853, 
in  February,  1865,'  and  within  the  next  four  years  ap- 
proved the  XIII.,  XIV.,  and  XV.  amendments  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,2  does  not  prove  that 
the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  people  as  to  negro  suf- 
frage and  negro  citizenship  had  materially  changed.  A 
few  years  could  not  bring  about  such  a  radical  transfor- 
mation. Even  the  lapse  of  a  quarter  of  a  century  has 
failed  to  bring  about  any  universal  transformation  in  this 
regard  throughout  the  State. 

The  question  has  long  since  ceased  to  be  of  political 
importance.  In  the  centre  and  north  of  the  State,  the 
people  have  become  accustomed  to  the  presence  of  the 
negro  in  schools  and  in  public  life,  and  the  subject  of  his 
right  to  citizenship  has  ceased  to  be  discussed — even  to 
be  thought  of.  In  the  southern  section,  on  the  contrary, 
the  question  is  still  a  vital  one.  The  negro  is  despised 
and  hated  as  of  old,  and  if  a  vote  could  now  be  taken,  it 
would  doubtless  be  astonishing  to  find  what  a  large  pro- 
portion of  our  citizens — not  only  in  the  south,  but  among 
the  more  liberal  residents  of  the  centre  and  north  of  Illi- 
nois— would  ballot  to  deprive  the  negro  of  the  right  to 
vote  or  to  hold  office.  But  why  this  long  and  persistent 
opposition  to  the  poor  colored  man?  The  reasons  are 
various.  First,  there  was,  and  is,  the  deep-seated  antip- 
athy of  the  white  for  the  black.  Then  the  idea  prevailed 
for  many  years,  that  the  introduction  of  the  negro  into  the 

1  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1865,  February  7,  "Act  to  Repeal  Section  16,"  etc. 

2  Approved  the  XIII.  on  February  I,  1865;  the  XIV.  in  January,  1867;  and 
the  XV.  in  1869.    See  Statutes  of  Illinois,  1865,  page  135;  Statutes  of  Illinois, 
1869,  page  417;  House  Journal,  1867,  page  155.  Senate  Journal,  1867,  page  76. 


SENTIMENT  ON  THE   NEGRO   QUESTION     241 

State  meant  the  influx  of  a  vast  colored  population, 
together  with  the  necessary  granting  to  them  of  equality 
and  citizenship  with  the  whites.  Such  a  possibility  was 
regarded  algrave  misfortune  for  the  State,  should  it  ever 
occurTj Further:  opposition  to  the  negro  immigration 
and  citizenship  was  one  of  the  cardinal  principles  of  the 
Democratic  party,  which  controlled  the  politics  of  Illinoif 
for  so  many  years.  The  great  strength  of  the  Democracy 
lay  in  the  never-failing  support  of  the  "Solid  South" — 
the  region  (let  us  say)  south  of  Springfield.  The  people 
of  that  region,  as  we  have  seen,  were  largely  Southern  in 
blood  and  sympathies.  To  them  the  idea  of  negro  equal- 
ity was  most  obnoxious,  and  all  plans  for  preventing  an 
influx  of  blacks  were  most  popular.  The  very  presence  of 
the  colored  people  was  irritating.  These  people,  moreover, 
were  as  narrow-minded  and  stubborn  as  they  were  kind- 
hearted  and  hospitable.  They  have  insisted  upon  retain- 
ing their  dislike  to  the  negro,  and  have  never  approved  of 
granting  him  equality  and  citizenship.  The  presence  of  a 
large  population  thus  predisposed  and  immovably  grounded 
in  its  opposition  to  the  person  of  the  negro  was  a  great 
barrier  toward  the  elevation  of  the  colored  race  in  the 
State.  Another  thing  doubtless  played  some  part  in  re- 
tarding the  "Pro-Negro"  movement.  The  continuous  and 
persistent  agitation  of  the  abolitionists  aroused  many  of 
the  citizens  in  all  sections,  but  especially  in  the  south 
of  Illinois,  to  a  more  bitter  opposition  than  ever  to  the  j 
poor  colored  man.  Finally,  many  believed  that  it  would  ,- 
be  impossible  to  educate  the  negroes,  and  unwise  by  reason 
of  their  color  and  their  capacities  to  allow  them  a  share  in 
the  government  with  the  white  people.  *s 

Since  the  war,  the  status  of  the  negro  has  gradually 


242  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

improved  in  Northern  and  Central  Illinois.  He  now 
occupies  a  place  in  society,  holds  public  offices,  exercises 
the  right  of  suffrage,  and  sends  his  children  to  the  public 
schools.  He  acquired  these  privileges  only  gradually,  and 
after  a  struggle.  It  was  necessary  for  the  Legislature  in 
1874  to  pass  an  act  laying  a  severe  penalty  on  any  person 
who  should  prevent  colored  children  by  force  or  intimida- 
tion from  attending  the  free  schools,  before  the  negroes 
could  avail  themselves  of  that  right  in  peace  and  security. 
Before  that  time  a  great  deal  of  excitement  and  trouble 
ensued  in  many  places — as  in  Springfield1  and  in  Jo 
Daviess  County2 — over  admitting  them  to  the  High 
School  and  the  public  schools.  Special  schools  for  col- 
ored children  were  started  in  various  places 3  and  continued 
for  a  time,  though  it  was  hard  at  first  to  get  teachers  for 
them.  The  school  question  was  largely  settled  in  the 
north  after  the  passage  of  the  Act  of  ,1874. 

In  the  southern  part  of  Illinois,  matters  have  not 
changed  much,  and  lines  are  still  very  closely  drawn. 
Colored  schools  exist  in  many  places.  Alton  has  forced 
its  colored  people  out  into  schools  by  themselves.  In 
some  towns  a  colored  man  is  not  allowed  to  take  up  his 
residence4 — hardly  to  stay  over  night.  In  others5  an 
open  feud  exists  between  the  races,  and  on  the  whole,  a 
state  of  affairs  very  similar  to  that  in  the  Southern  States 

1  See  ist  Annual  Report  of  Superintendent  of  Schools,  Springfield.  There 
was  considerable  commotion  caused  in  Springfield  over  the  admittance  of  the 
first  colored  person — Gertie  Wtifhf-^-vaio  the  High  School.  She  was  ad- 
mitted on  October  7,  1873.  Mr.  Brooks — Superintendent  in  187^-5 — gave  me 
much  interesting  information  on  this  point,  and  on  the  colored  schools  and  the 
relation  of  the  negroes  to  the  schools  in  Springfield. 

3  "History  of  Jo  Daviess  County,"  page  363. 

3  In  Springfield,  December  21, 1858,  to  November  4, 1873.    See  "Report  of 
Schools,"   page  85,  and  following.    In  Vandalia,  1870-75.    Testimony  of  Mr. 
Estercy,  present  Superintendent  of  Schools. 

4  Testimony  of  A.  C.  Glenn,  concerning   his  place  of   residence,   Mar- 
issa,  111. 

*  Carterville,  for  example,  where  five  negroes  were  shot  down  in  the  streets 
three  years  ago. 


SENTIMENT  ON  THE   NEGRO   QUESTION     243 

exists  there.1  The  colored  man  finds  it  most  difficult  to 
get  even  justice  or  a  slight  regard  for  his  rights,  and  the 
negro  question  still  exists  waiting  for  a  solution.  So, 
too,  it  awaits  in  the  Southern  States.  How  and  when  it 
will  be  solved  no  one  can  tell,  but  solved  it  must  be  before 
peace  and  concord  can  prevail  throughout  this  State  and 
this  Country.  The  interests  of  humanity  and  of  good 
government  demand  that  the  eminent  and  gifted  states- 
men of  our  land  should  devote  a  portion  of  their  time  and 
energies  to  an  earnest  and  enlightened  endeavor  to  dis- 
cover some  practical  solution  of  this  racial  problem. 

1  Note  the  lynching  at  Danville  in  July,  1903. 


APPENDIX   I. 
BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

The  present  scattered  state  of  the  sources  of  Illinois  history 
has  rendered  the  task  of  consulting  and  obtaining  authorities  for 
this  work  a  difficult  one.  The  author  does  not  claim  to  have  dis- 
covered all  the  sources  for  the  different  periods  of  Illinois  history 
under  consideration.  The  following  list  of  authorities  is  pre- 
sented merely  as  the  result  of  a  year  and  a  quarter's  research  and 
of  three  months'  travel,  and  it  stands  open  to  improvement,  doubt- 
less, in  many  respects. 

The  materials  from  which  this  work  has  been  prepared  have 
been  found  in  the  following  places :  Chicago  Historical  Society; 
Newberry  Library  (Chicago);  Chicago  Public  Library;  Wiscon- 
sin Historical  Society  (Madison);  Cincinnati  Public  Library;  His- 
torical and  Philosophical  Society  of  Ohio  (Cincinnati);  St.  Louis 
Mercantile  Library;  Office  of  the  "Missouri  Republic"  (St. 
Louis);  Missouri  Historical  Society  (St.  Louis);  State  Historical 
Library,  Springfield,  111.;  Secretary  of  State's  Document  Room, 
Springfield;  Public  Library,  Champaign,  111.  (E.  G.  Mason  Col- 
lection); Alton  Public  Library;  Belleville  Public  Library;  Office 
of  the  Alton  Telegraph  (Alton) ;  Office  of  the  Greenville  Advo- 
cate; and  the  county  seats1  of  Gallatin  (Shawneetown1),  Madison 
(Edwardsville),  St.  Clair  (Belleville),  Jersey  (Jerseyville) ,  Green 
(Carrollton) ,  Bond  (Greenville),  Fayette  (Vandalia),  Randolph 
(Chester),  Jackson  (Murphysborough) ,  and  Sangamon  (Spring- 
field) counties. 

Information  has  also  been  secured  from  collections  of  news- 
papers and  other  material  in  the  possession  of  the  following  per- 
sons: Miss  F.  Dolbee,  Alton,  111.;  Hon.  Sidney  Eastman, 
Chicago;  the  late  Thomas  Blanchard,  Chicago;  the  late  Hon.  J. 
M.  Palmer,  Springfield;  and  from  personal  interviews  or  corre- 
spondence with  Nathaniel  Niles,  Belleville;  Benjamin  W.  West, 
Belleville;  Rev.  J.  Wylie,  Sparta;  James  Hood,  Sparta;  Chas. 

1  County  Clerks'  offices. 

245 


246  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

Carroll,  Jr.,  Shawneetown;  Hon.  Theodore  Chapman,  Jersey - 
ville;  Mrs.  Zebina  Eastman,  Chicago;  Thomas  Dimmock,  St. 
Louis;  the  late  Hon.  John  M.  Palmer,  Springfield;  Hon.  R.  W. 
Ross,  Vandalia;  Ezra  Jenkins,  Sr.,  Vandalia;  Judge  S.  A.  Phelps, 
Greenville;  Rev.  M.Jameson,  D.D.,  Alton;  Dr.  Samuel  Willard, 
Chicago;  and  G.  M.  McConnel,  Chicago. 

As  a  matter  of  convenience,  the  sources  are  arranged  in  accord 
with  four  periods  of  Illinois  History. 

PERIOD    I.— 1719  to  1818. 
OFFICIAL  DOCUMENTS. 

Lettres  Patentes  du  Roy,  Donne"es  a  Paris  au  mois  d'Aout, 
1717,  Portant  etablissement  d'une  Compagnie  de  Commerce  sous 
le  Nom  de  Compagnie  d'Occident  ou  la  Louisiane. 

Lettres  Patentes  du  Roy,1  issued  to  M.  Antoine  Crozat,  at 
Paris,  on  September  14,  1712. 

Ordinance  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Council  deputed  by 
the  King  for  the  government  of  the  India  Company,1  issued  at 
Paris  on  September  2,  1721. 

Le  Code  Noir  ou  Recueil  de  Reglements,  issued  by  Louis  XV., 
at  Versailles,  in  March,  I724-1 

Laws  of  the  First  General  Assembly  of  the  Territory  North- 
west of  the  River  Ohio,  Cincinnati,  1800;  September  to  Decem- 
ber, 1799. 

Laws  of  the  Indian  Territory,  1801-1806;  reprinted  Poole, 
Ind.,  1886. 

Laws  of  the  Fourth  session  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  of 
Indiana  Territory,  1803. 

Laws  of  First  Session  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Indiana 
Territory,  1805. 

Laws  of  the  Territory  Northwest  of  the  River  Ohio,  1788- 
1802 ;  reprint,  Cincinnati,  1833. 

Will  Record  Book,  No.  I;  1816-1830,  of  the  County  Clerk  of 
St.  Clair  County. 

Records  and  Indentures,  No.  I,  of  the  County  Clerk  of  Madi- 
son County,  1813-1818. 

'The  originals  of  these  1  have  been  unable  to  find  here  in  the  West,  but 
an  English  translation  of  the  last  two  will  be  found  in  Dillon's  Indiana.  Vol.  I., 
page  41,  and  following,  and  of  the  ist  in  Wallace's  History  of  Illinois  and  Louis- 
iana under  French  Rule,  page  238. 


APPENDIX   I.  247 

Record  Book,  "A."  Register  of  Negroes  of  the  County 
Clerk  of  Randolph  County,  January  27,  iSOQ-December  23,  1818. 

Records  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  Randolph  County, 
No.  I,  1807-1814;  No.  2,  1814-1824. 

Records  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  Gallatin  County, 
1814-1821. 

Records  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  St.  Clair  County, 
No.  I,  April,  1798,  to  June  16,  1817. 

Records  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  Madison  County, 
No.  2,  1819-1825.  (?) 

JOURNALS  AND  LETTERS. 

Journal  of  Captain  Henry  Gordon,  1766.  In  appendix  to  A 
Topographical  Description  of  North  America,  by  T.  Pownall, 
London,  1776. 

The  Present  State  of  the  Country  and  Inhabitants — Europeans 
and  Indians — of  Louisiana,  by  an  Officer  at  New  Orleans  to  his 
Friend  at  Paris,  1744. 

Letters  of  Vivier,  dated  November  17,  1750,  and  others,  repro- 
duced in  Early  Jesuit  Missions  in  North  America,  by  William 
Kipp,  Albany,  1866. 

Relations  des  Jesuites,  edited  by  R.  G.  Thwaites. 

The  Present  State  of  the  European  Settlements  on  the  Missis- 
sippi, by  Captain  Philip  Pittman,  London,  1770. 

Journal  historique  de  1'etablissement  des  Frangais  a  la  Louisi- 
ane,  signed  by  Bernard  La  Harpe,  in  Historical  Collections  of 
Louisiana,  edited  by  B.  F.  French,  Vol.  III. 

Jesuit  letters,  especially  one  dated  at  Ft.  Chartres  on  Novem- 
ber 24,  1750,  reproduced  in  Bannissement  Des  Jesuites  de  la 
Louisiane.  Relation  et  Lettres  inedites  par  Auguste  Carayon, 
Paris,  1865. 

Clark's  Campaign  (Letters  and  papers  of  George  Roger 
Clark)  in  Collections  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Kentucky,  the 
Ohio  Valley  Series,  Cincinnati,  1869. 

The  St.  Clair  Papers,  2  Vols.,  edited  by  W.  H.  Smith,  Cin- 
cinnati, 1882. 

Views  of  Louisiana,  with  a  Journal,  by  H.  M.  Breckenridge, 
1814. 


248  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

NEWSPAPERS. 

Western  Intelligencer,  Kaskaskia,  1816  (May  to  December). 
Western  Intelligencer,  Kaskaskia,  1817  (January  to  December). 
Western  Intelligencer,  Kaskaskia,  1818  (January  to  May  20). 
Illinois  Intelligencer,1  Kaskaskia,  1818  (May  27  to  December). 
Missouri  Gazette,2  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  1808-1818. 
Liberty  Hall  and  Gazette,3  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  1814-1816,  1818. 
Western  Spy,4  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  1817-1818. 

NARRATIVE  AND  DESCRIPTIVE  SOURCES. 

Topography  of  Virginia,  by  Thomas  Hutchins,  1771. 

An  Historical  Narrative  and  Topographical  Description  of 
Louisiana,  by  Thomas  Hutchins,  London,  1784. 

Voyage  dans  les  deux  Louisianes,  in  1801,  2  et  3,  par  M. 
Perrin  du  Lac,  1805,  Paris. 

Voyages  dans  PInterieur  de  la  Louisiane,  etc.,  1802-1806,  par 
M.  C.  C.  Robin,  Paris,  1807,  3  Vols. 

Description  de  la  Louisiane,  etc.,  Louis  Hennepin,  Paris, 
1683. 

Nouveaux  Voyages  aux  Indes  occidentales,  M.  Bossu,  Paris, 
1768. 

Sketches  of  History,  Life,  and  Manners  in  the  West,  by  James 
Hall,  Philadelphia,  1835. 

Illinois  in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  Fergus  Historical  Series, 
No.  12. 

Kaskaskia  in  1800,  article  by  J.  Reynolds  in  Alton  Telegraph, 
March  27,  1854. 

Western  Gazetteer,  1817,  1819. 

The  Early  History  of  Illinois,  W.  H.  Brown,  Fergus  His- 
torical Series,  No.  14. 

TThe  Western  Intelligencer  changed  its  name  on  May  27,  1818,  to  the  llli- . 
nois  Intelligencer;  file  in  the  Mercantile  Library,  St.  Louis. 

2  This  file,  which  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Missouri  Republic,  of  St.  Louis, 
is  far  from  complete. 

3  File  in  the  Public  Library,  Cincinnati. 

4 File  in  the  Public  Library,  Cincinnati;  also  in  Wisconsin  Historical 
Society,  Madison. 


APPENDIX  I.  249 

GENERAL  HISTORIES. 

Memoire  historique  et  politique  de  la  Louisiane,  Vergennes, 
1802. 

Memoires  historiques  sur  la  Louisiane,  Dumont. 

Histoire  de  la  Louisiane,  Du  Pratz,  1758. 

Decouvertes  et  Etablissements  des  Francais  dans  1'ouest,  par 
Pierre  Margry,  Vols.  III.  and  IV.  and  V.,  Paris,  1880  and  1883. 

History  of  Louisiana,  Frangois  Xavier  Martin,  New  Orleans, 
1827. 

The  History  and  Geography  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  Tim- 
othy Flint,  1832. 

The  History  of  the  Discovery  and  Settlement  of  the  Valley  of 
the  Mississippi,  J.  W.  Monette,  1846. 

Indiana,  J.  P.  Dunn,  Boston,  1888. 

Michigan,  T.  M.  Cooley,  Boston,  1885. 

Western  Annals,  J.  M.  Peck  (2d  edition  of  J.  H.  Perkins's 
Western  Annals) ,  St.  Louis,  1851. 

The  Early  History  of  Illinois,  Sidney  Breeze,  2d  edition,  1884. 

The  Pioneer  History  of  Illinois,  J.  Reynolds,  1852. 

Missouri  Gazetteer,  Dr.  Lewis  C.  Beck,  1823. 

The  Old  Northwest,  Hinsdale,  New  York,  1888. 

The  Westward  Movement,  J.  Winsor,  Boston,  1897. 

Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  the  United  States,  Winsor, 
Vols.  IV.  and  V. 

The  Winning  of  the  West,  Roosevelt,  New  York,  1899. 

History  of  Indiana  to  the  Close  of  the  Territorial  Government 
in  1816,  J.  B.  Dillon,  Indianapolis,  1859. 

History  of  Illinois  and  Louisiana  under  French  Rule,  by 
James  Wallace,  Cincinnati,  1893. 

PERIOD    II.— 1818-1824. 
DOCUMENTARY  SOURCES. 

Records  of  Elections,  No.  I,  Document  Room,  Springfield. 

County  Records,  see  under  Period  I. 

Illinois  Constitution  of  1818. 

Journal  of  House  (Illinois),  1823-1824;  1824-1825. 

Journal  of  Senate,1  1823-1824  (portion  quoted  by  Mr.  Churchill 

1  There  is  no  copy  of  the  Senate  Journal  of  1823-4  now  in  existence. 


250  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

in  his  Annotations  in  the  Alton  Telegraph,  and  by  Warren  in  the 
Edwardsville  Spectator,  1823-1824). 

Journal  of  the  Senate,  1824-1825. 

Annals  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  1787-1824,  42 
Vols.,  Washington,  1834-1856. 

Abridgment  of  Debates  in  Congress,  29  Vols.,  Washington, 
1825-1837. 

LETTERS  AND  PAMPHLETS. 

Early  Days  in  Madison  County,1  a  series  of  letters  to  the 
Alton  Telegraph  in  1865,  especially  Nos.  29  (February  24)  to  43 
(June  16),  by  Rev.  Thomas  Lippencott. 

Annotations,1  a  series  of  letters,  Nos.  1-15,  commenting  on 
the  above,  by  George  Churchill,  in  the  Alton  Telegraph,  March 
24  to  August  II,  1865. 

Letter  of  Governor  Coles  to  Mr.  Lippencott,  Alton  Telegraph, 
February  24,  1865. 

Letter  of  Hooper  Warren  to  Mr.  Lippencott,  Alton  Tele- 
graph, March  3,  1865. 

Editorial  on  "Voice  from  the  Past,"  by  H.  Warren  in  Genius 
of  Liberty,  December  19,  1840. 

Editorial  on  "Ford's  Illinois,"  by  H.  Warren  in  Free  West, 
December  21,  1854. 

Reminiscences,  letters  by  H.  Warren  in  Free  West,  May  3 
and  10,  1855. 

Peck  and  Coles,  letter  by  H.  Warren,  in  Free  West,  July  5, 
1855. 

1  Mr.  George  Churchill  was  a  member  of  the  Illinois  House  of  Representa- 
tives in  1823-4,  and  the  Rev.  Thomas  Lippencott  was  Secretary  of  the  Senate 
during  the  same  period.  In  1865,  upon  request  of  some  friends,  Mr.  Lippen- 
cott, who  had  published  a  pamphlet  on  Governor  Coles  (no  copy  of  which  I 
have  been  able  to  find),  wrote  a  series  of  articles  to  the  Alton  Telegraph  to 
make  plain  the  contest  of  1823-4  concerning  slavery.  Mr.  Lippencott  seems  to 
have  relied  almost  entirely  on  his  memory  for  his  facts.  After  Mr.  Lippencott's 


letters  began  to  appear,  Mr.  Churchill  undertook  to  correct  and  enlarge  upon 
Mr.  Lippencott's  articles  in  a  series  of  letters  which  he  (  Mr.  Churchill)  desig- 
nated as  annotations.  These  annotations  are  extremely  valuable  not  only 


because  Mr.  Churchill  was  a  man  very  clear  and  exact  in  his  statements,  but 
also,  and  chietiy,  because  he  substantiated  his  remarks  with  quotations  from, 
and  references  to.  the  sources  which  he  used.  He  speaks  of  his  authorities  as 
"a  defective  memory,  a  number  of  imperfect  newspaper  riles,  and  a  very  imper- 
fect diary  kept  only  for  a  short  period."  (Alton  Telegraph,  March  24,  1865.) 
He  seems  also  to  have  possessed  a  copy  of  the  Senate  and  House  Journals  for 
the  Sessions  of  1823-4,  since  he  makes  frequent  quotations  from  them,  giving 
page  and  date. 


APPENDIX   I.  251 

Letters  from  J.  M.  Peck,  on  the  struggle  of  1823-1824;  Free 
West,  April  6,  12;  May  3,  1855. 

Letter  from  Ge"orge  Churchill,  on  the  contest  of  1823-1824; 
Free  West,  December  12,  1854. 

—•The  Early  Movement  in  Illinois  for  the  Legalization  of  Slav- 
ery, W.  H.  Brown,  Fergus  Historical  Series,  No.  4. 

Recollections  of  Early  Illinois  and  her  Noted  Men,  by  Hon. 
Jos.  Gillespie,  Fergus  Historical  Series,  No.  13. 

Ninian  Edwards  Papers,  Chicago  Historical  Society  Collec- 
tions, No.  3. 

Journal  of  a  Journey  in  the  West,  J.  Woods,  1820. 

NEWSPAPERS. 

The  Spectator,  Edwardsville,  1819  (May  to  December). 

The  Spectator,  Edwardsville,  1820-1826. 

The  Illinois  Intelligencer,  Kaskaskia,  1819  (January  to  May 

12). 

The  Illinois  Intelligencer,1  Vandalia,  February  20,  1821; 
October  12  and  December  7,  1822. 

Star  of  the  West,2  Edwardsville,  Nov.  30,  1822. 

Illinois  Gazette,2  Shawneetown,  August  3,  1822. 

Illinois  Republican,2  Edwardsville,  July  21,  1824. 

Missouri  Gazette,  St.  Louis,  1819-1820. 

Missouri  Republican,3  St.  Louis,  1821-1825. 

St.  Louis  Enquirer,  St.  Louis,  1819-1820  (series  of  odd  num- 
bers). 

GENERAL  HISTORIES. 

Sketch  of  Edward  Coles,  E.  B.  Washburne,  Chicago,  1882. 

History  of  the  English  Settlement  in  Edwards  County,  Illi- 
nois, George  Flower,  Chicago  Historical  Society  Collections, 
Vol.  I. 

1  The  Illinois  Intelligencer  was  removed  from  Kaskaskia  to  Vandalia  in 
1820. 

2  These  fragments  are  in  the  Mercantile  Library,  St.  L9uis.    They  were 
presented  by  the  Rev.  J.  M.  Peck,  to  that  Library,  together  with  the  file  of  the 
Edwardsville  Spectator,  named  above.    There  are  no  other  numbers  of  these 
papers  now  in  existence,  as  far  as  1  know. 

3  The  Missouri  Gazette  changed  its  name  to  Missouri  Republican  in  1821. 
and  is  now  the  Missouri  Republic. 


252  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

The  Pioneer  History  of  Illinois,  J.  Reynolds,  Belleville,  1852. 

The  History  of  Illinois,  Ford,  Chicago,  1854. 

A  Complete  History  of  Illinois  from  1637  to  1873,  Davidson 
and  Stuve,  Springfield,  1874. 

Illinois,  Historical  and  Statistical,  Moses,  Vol.  I.,  Chicago, 
1889. 

History  of  Illinois  and  Life  of  Ninian  Edwards,  by  his  son, 
N.  W.  Edwards,  Springfield,  1870. 

History  of  St.  Clair  County,  Chicago,  1881. 

History  of  Randolph,  Monroe,  and  Perry  Counties,  Philadel- 
phia, 1883. 

Good  Old  Times  in  McLean  County,  Dr.  E.  Duis,  Blooming- 
ton,  1874. 

History  of  Jackson  County,  Philadelphia,  1878. 

History  of  Green  County,  Chicago,  1870. 

History  of  Edwards,  Lawrence,  and  Wabash  Counties,  Phila- 
delphia, 1883. 

History  of  Madison  County,  Edwardsville,  1882. 

History  of  Pike  County,  Chicago,  1880. 

Early  Chicago  and  Illinois,  E.  G.  Mason,  Chicago  Historical 
Society  Collections,  No.  4,  1890. 

PERIOD    III.— 1824-1840. 
DOCUMENTARY  SOURCES. 

Constitution  of  1818. 

Statutes  of  Illinois,  1818;  1819-1823;  1824-1839. 

State  Records,  see  Period  II. 

County  Records,  same  as  under  Period  I,  and 

Record  of  Freedom  Papers,  Gallatin  County,  1846-1862. 

Registry  of  Negroes  and  Mulattoes,  St.  Clair  County,  March 
26,  1846,  to  September  24,  1863. 

Slave  Papers  (in  a  tin  box),  preserved  in  County  Clerk's  office 
in  Edwardsville,  Madison  County,  1831-1851. 

Records  of  the  Probate  Court  of  Sangamon  County,  No.  B, 
1824-1840. 

Records  of  the  Probate  Court  of  Fayette  County,  1820-1840. 

Records  of  County  Clerk,  No.  B  (Freedom  Papers),  Randolph 
County,  1825  to  April  13,  1863. 


APPENDIX   I.  253 

Deed  Records,  No.  D,  Jackson  County,  1840-1843. 

Records  of  County  Clerk  of  Madison  County,  No.  2,  1821- 
1825. 

Supreme  Court  Decisions,  Reports,  1824-1836. 

Will  Records  of  St.  Clair  County,  No.  2,  1830  to  1840;  No. 
3,  1840-1850. 

CONTEMPORARY  AUTHORITIES. 

Memoir  of  Lovejoy,  by  his  brothers,  Alton,  1838. 
Alton  Riots  and  Lovejoy,  Edward  Beecher,  1838. 
Notes  on  the  Alton  Trials,  Lincoln,  Alton,  1838. 
Lovejoy,  article  in  the  Alton  Observer,  December  28,  1837, 
by  a  friend  of  Mr.  Lovejoy. 

The  Mayor's  Account  of  the  Events  of  November  7,  1837, 
Alton  Telegraph,  November  15, .1837. 

Personal  Recollections  connected  with  the  murder  of  Lovejoy, 
Rev.  T.  B.  Hurlbut,1  in  Chicago  Tribune,  June  12,  1874. 

NEWSPAPERS. 

St.  Louis  Observer2  (St.  Louis),  September  3,  i835-July  21, 
1836. 

Alton  Observer  (Alton  and  Cincinnati),  "Extra,"  August  10, 
1836;  September  8,  1836,  to  August  21,  1837;  December  28, 
1837,  to  April  19,  1838. 

Alton  Telegraph  (Alton),  1836-1838;  and  June  28,  1845,  article 
on  "Editorial  Reminiscences." 

Western  Pioneer  (Upper  Alton),  1830-1838  (especially  issue 
of  July  14,  1836). 

Missouri  Argus  (St.  Louis),  May  to  December,  1837;  Janu- 
ary, 1838. 

Missoun  Republican  (St.  Louis),  1835-1838. 

St.  Louis  Times3  (St.  Louis),  August  14,  1830,  to  February 
18,  1832. 

Peoria  Register  (Peoria),  1837-1839. 

1  Mr.  Hurlbut  was  a  warm  personal  friend  of  Lovejoy  and  a  participant  in 
the  events  of  November,  1837,  at  Alton. 

"The  Observer,  edited  by  Loveioy,  was  published  first  in  St.  Louis,  then 
in  Alton,  and  after  Lovejoy's  death,  by  Elisha  W.  Chester,  as  editor,  at  Cin- 
cinnati. 

3  Mr.  Lovejoy  was  one  of  the  editors  of  this  paper  during  the  years  1830-32. 


254  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

Galena  Advertiser  (Galena),  1837. 

Sangamon  Journal  (Springfield),  1836  1838. 

Philanthropist  (Cincinnati),  July,  1837-1838. 

The  Liberator  (Boston),  July,  1837-1838. 

Missouri  Saturday  News  (St.  Louis),  February  3,  1838. 

Cincinnati  Gazette  (Cincinnati),  1837-1838. 

Chicago  American  (Chicago),  1835-1838. 

Chicago  Democrat  (Chicago),  1837-1838. 

Alton  Spectator  (Alton),  1836. 

The  Saturday  Evening  Chronicle  (Cincinnati),  1837-1838. 

The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation  (Hennepin),  1839. 

The  Chicago  Journal  (Chicago),  1838. 

GENERAL  HISTORIES  AND  PAMPHLETS. 

The  Martyrdom  of  Lovejoy,  H.  Tanner,  Chicago,  1881. 

Sketch  of  Enoch  Long,  Harvey  Reid,  Chicago  Historical 
Society  Collections,  No.  2. 

Early  Reminiscences  of  Alton,  Lecture  by  Hon.  Joseph  Brown, 
delivered  in  the  Alton  Opera  House  on  February  21,  1896.' 

Address  on  Lovejoy,  Thomas  Dimmock,  delivered  on  March 
4,  1888,  in  the  Church  of  the  Unity,  St.  Louis. 

Lovejoy,  an  article  in  the  Missouri  Republic  (St.  Louis),  July 
23,  i87i.2 

Autobiography  of  Col.  G.  T.  M.  Davis,1  New  York,  1891. 

Alton  in  1837,  sketch  descriptive,  etc.,  published  by  S.  August 
Mitchell,  1837. 

The  Rambler,  Sketches  and  Travels  in  the  West,  1837. 

PERIOD    IV.— 1840-1870. 
DOCUMENTARY  SOURCES. 

Record  of  Elections,  1840-1860;  Document  Room,  Springfield. 
Statutes  of  Illinois,  1836-1875. 
House  (Illinois)  Journal,  1840-1870. 

1  Mr.  Brown  was  a  boy  in  Alton  in  1837,  and  witnessed  much  of  the  excite- 
ment on  November  6  and  7. 

2  This  was  compiled  from  data  furnished  chiefly  by  Mr.  Dimmock,  of  St. 
Louis,  who  (it  is  perhaps  in  place  here  to  add)  was  instrumental  in  securing 
the  imposing  monument  to  Lovejoy  recently  erected  in  Alton. 

3  Col.  Davis  was  a  prominent  lawyer,  who  lived  in  Alton  during  the  time  of 
the  riots  of  1837. 


APPENDIX   I.  255 

Senate  (Illinois)  Journal,  1840-1870. 

Journal  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  1847,  Springfield. 
Journal  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  1861,  Springfield. 
Journal  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  1870,  Springfield. 
Debates    of    the    Constitutional    Convention,    1870,    Spring- 
field. 

Constitution  (Illinois),  1848. 

Constitution  (Illinois),  1870. 

The  Congressional  Globe,  Washington,  1833-1873. 

The  Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,  Columbus,  i860. 

The  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

NEWSPAPERS. 

Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  Benjamin  Lundy,  Lowell, 
1839  (February  26  to  September  18). 

Genius  of  Liberty,  Z.  Eastman  and  H.  Warren,  Lowell, 
December  19,  1840,  to  April  2,  1842. 

Western  Citizen,  Z.  Eastman,  Chicago,  July  26,  1842,  to  Octo- 
ber 18,  1853. 

The  Free  West,  Z.  Eastman,  E.  Goodman,  and  H.  Warren, 
Chicago,  December  I,  l853~July  19,  1855. 

Alton  Telegraph,  Bailhache,  Davis,  and  others,  Alton,  1840- 
1870. 

Alton  Courier  (Alton),  1853-1855. 

Belleville  Advocate  (Belleville),  1850-1860. 

Greenville  Advocate  (Greenville),  1858-1860. 

The  State  Register  (Springfield),  1847,  1856-1860. 

Chicago  American  (Chicago),  1835  1842. 

Chicago  Journal,  edited  by  the  Wilson  Brothers  (Chicago), 
1844-1860. 

Chicago  Democrat,  owned  by  John  Wentworth  (Chicago), 
weekly,  1833-1850;  daily,  1840-1850. 

Western  Herald  (Chicago),  1846-1847. 

Chicago  Democratic  Press  (Chicago),  1852-1858. 

Chicago  Press  and  Tribune  (Chicago),  1858,  controlled  by 
McGill. 

Chicago  Tribune  (Chicago),  1848-1857,  1859-1865,  1874,  June 
10-13. 

The  Philanthropist  .Cincinnati),  1836-1849. 


256  NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 

The  Liberator  (Boston),  1831-1841. 

The  Emancipator  (Boston  and  New  York),  1834-1848. 

Jersey  County  Democrat  (Jerseyville),  1860-1865. 

BIOGRAPHIES  AND  REMINISCENCES. 

Memorial  of  Z.  Eastman,  by  his  Family. 

Memoirs  of  J.  M.  Palmer,  An  Autobiography,  unpublished. 

Manuscript  papers  of  Z.  Eastman,  unpublished;  also  his 
"scrapbook." 

Dr.  Charles  Volney  Dyer,  article  by  Z.  Eastman  in  Chicago 
Times,  April  25,  1878. 

Early  Abolitionism,  article  by  Z.  Eastman  in  Chicago  Inter- 
Ocean,  September  I,  1879. 

History  of  the  Antislavery  Agitation  in  Illinois,  by  Z.  East- 
man, in  Blanchard's  Illinois  (old  edition)  pp.  655-677. 

The  Life,  Travels,  and  Opinions  of  Benjamin  Lundy,  W.  D. 
Parrish,  1847. 

Account  of  the  Antislavery  Reunion  at  Chicago,  June  10-13, 
1874;  Chicago  Tribune,  June  10-13,  1874. 

Mr.  Eastman's  Antislavery  Work,  editorial  in  the  Chicago 
Inter-Ocean,  June  15,  1883. 

GENERAL  HISTORIES. 

The  History  of  the  Liberty  and  Free  Soil  Parties,  T.  Smith, 
Cambridge  Historical  Series,  VI.,  1897. 

Political  Parties  in  the  United  States,  Hopkins,  Putnam,  1900. 

History  of  the  Republican  Party,  F.  A.  Flower,  Springfield, 
1884. 

History  of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power  in  America, 
H.  Wilson,  Boston,  1872-1877. 

History  of  Chicago,  A.  T.  Andreas,  Chicago,  1884-1886. 

Illinois,  Historical  and  Statistical,  Moses,  Vol.  II.  and  Ap- 
pendix, Chicago,  1889-1892. 

History  of  Knox  County,  Chicago,  1878. 

History  of  Williamson  County,  Marion,  1876. 

History  of  La  Salle  County,  Chicago,  1877. 

History  of  Winnebago  County,  Chicago,  1877. 

History  of  Kane  County,  Chicago,  1878. 

History  of  Lake  County,  Chicago,  1877. 


APPENDIX   I.  257 

History  of  McLean  County,  Chicago,  1879. 

History  of  Jo  Daviess  County,  Chicago,  1878. 

History  of  Cook  County,  Chicago,  1884. 

History  of  Edgar  County,  Chicago,  1879. 

History  of  Hancock  County,  Chicago,  1880. 

History  of  Putnam  and  Marshall  Counties,  Lacsn,  1880. 

History  of  Peoria  County,  Chicago,  1890. 

History  of  Adams  County,  Chicago,  1890. 

Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States,  Von  Hoist,  Vols. 
1-7,  Chicago,  1892. 

Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  the  United  States,  J.  Win- 
sor,  Vols.  4-8,  Boston,  1887. 

Twenty  Years  in  Congress,  J.  G.  Elaine,  Vol.  I.,  Chapters 
6-10,  Norwich,  1884. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  Nicholay  and  Hay,  New  York,  1890. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  J.  T.  Morse,  Jr.,  Boston,  1893. 

Herndon's  Lincoln,  Herndon  and  Weik,  Chicago,  1889 

American  Politics,  Johnston,  New  York,  1892. 

Division  and  Reunion,  W.  Wilson,  New  York  and  London, 
1898. 

The  Underground  Railroad,  W.  H.  Siebert,  New  York,  1899. 

The  Underground  Railroad,  W.  H.  Siebert,  article  in  Ameri- 
can Historical  Review,  April,  1896. 

The  Underground  Railroad  Records,  Wm.  Still. 

History  of  My  Own  Life  and  Times,  John  Reynolds,  1855. 

Historical  Encyclopedia  of  Illinois,  Bateman  and  Selby, 
Chicago  and  New  York,  1900 


APPENDIX    II. 
SPECIMEN    COPIES    OF   SLAVE    PAPERS. 

I.  The  following  Bill  of  Sale  was  found  among  the  papers  of 
Henry  Eddy,  lawyer,  and  editor  of  the  "Illinois  Gazette,"  and  the 
"Illinois  Emigrant,"  of  Shawneetown,  Illinois.  It  is  now  in  the 
possession  of  Charles  Carroll,  Jr.,  Shawneetown,  who  is  a  near 
relative  of  Mr.  Eddy.  Mr.  Carroll  possesses  several  other  inter- 
esting letters  and  papers  bearing  upon  the  subject  of  negro  ser- 
vants, which  were  the  former  property  of  Mr.  Eddy.  The  Bill  of 
Sale  here  given  is  written  in  fairly  clear  handwriting  and  signed 
by  the  same  hand.  It  is  attested  by  a  Justice  of  Peace  of  Ran- 
dolph County,  but  in  the  place  of  the  seal,  now  so  customary, 
there  is  only  the  word  "Seal"  written  after  each  name  and  en- 
closed in  a  little  circle.  One  would  judge  from  this  that  bona 
fide  seals  were  rare  articles  among  the  people  and  the  Justices  of 
Peace  in  Illinois  in  those  pioneer  days.  The  paper  reads: 

"Know  all  men  by  these  presents  that  I,  Hezekiah  Davis,  of 
the  County  of  Jackson  and  Territory  of  (Illinois),  have  this  day 
sold,  and  by  these  presents  doth  sell  unto  Samuel  Cochran  of  the 
County  of  Randolph,  of  the  Territory  aforesaid,  a  certain  negro 
girl  named  Jane,  aged  sixteen  years,  who  indentured  herself  to  me 
on  the  26th  day  of  August,  1816  for  the  term  of  fifty  years  before 
James  Finney,  Esq.,  Clerk  of  the  County  Court  of  Johnson  County, 
for  and  in  consideration  of  the  sum  of  four  hundred  dollars  cur- 
rent money  of  United  States  to  me  in  hand  paid,  the  receipt 
whereof  is  hereby  acknowledged  and  the  said  Sam'l  Cochran 
therefore  discharged,  and  do  by  these  presents  forever  warrant 
and  defend  the  title  of  said  girl  unto  the  said  Sam'l  Cochran  his 
heirs  and  assigns  for  ever  against  the  claim  of  myself,  my  heirs, 
administrators,  or  assigns,  or  any  person  claiming  under  me  or 
them  or  any  other  person  legally  claiming  the  same.  In  witness 
whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal  this  20th  day  of 
August,  1817.  (Signed)  Hezekiah  Davis.  [Seal] 

258 


APPENDIX   II.  259 

Illinois  Territory  ) 

Randolph  Co.  >  Personally  appeared  before  me,  the  subscriber, 
one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  and  for  the  County  aforesaid, 
the  aforesaid  Jane  and  declared  that  she  voluntarily  of  her  own 
free  will  and  accord  consented  to  serve  Samuel  Cochrane  for  the 
term  of  forty  years  in  lieu  of  the  fifty  years  which  she  was  to 
serve  said  Davis.  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my 
hand  and  seal  the  20th  day  of  August  1817. 

(Signed)  Mathew  Duncan    [Seal] 

1.  Samuel  Cochran,  of  Jackson  County,  State  of  Illinois,  do  by 
these  presents  acknowledge  to  have  received  of  William  Boon 
400  dollars  in  full  for  the  services  of  the  above  described  negro, 
Jane. 

August  22nd  1822 
(Signed)  Samuel  Cochran.     [Seal] 

2.  One  of  the  best  examples  of  an  early  Indenture  is  to  be 
found  recorded  in  the  Records  and  Indentures  No.  I,  of  Madison 
County.    It  is  dated  March  I5th,  1815,  and  purports  to  be  between 
Jack  Bonaparte  (a  negro)  and  one  Joshua  Vaughan.     On  the  day 
mentioned,  these  two  appeared  before  Josias  Randle,  Clerk  of  the 
County  Court  of  Madison  County,  and  took  oath  to  the  following 
agreement : 

"Jack  Bonaparte  doth  hereby  agree  and  freely  oblige  himself 
to  serve  the  said  Joshua  Vaughan  his  heirs  or  assigns  ninety 
years,  as  a  good  and  faithful  servant.  And  the  said  Joshua 
Vaughan  on  his  part  obliges  himself  as  long  as  the  said  Jack  con- 
tinues with  him  to  Furnish  the  said  Jack  in  good  and  wholesome 
food,  and  necessary  clothing  with  all  the  other  necessaries  suit- 
able for  a  servant."  This  was  duly  entered  by  the  County  Clerk 
upon  the  records,  without  signatures,  but  having  the  marginal 
note:  "to  be  free  in  IQOI."  [The  italics  are  mine.] 

3.  In  the  Kaskaskia  Republican  for  May  2,  1843,  there  ap- 
peared the  following: 

"Executors  Sale." 

"Antoine  Barbeau — Executor — offers  for  sale  the  estate  of  the 
late  Marie  L.  Blais,  to  wit : — 

one  Mulatto  woman  28  years. 
one  Mulatto  man  21  years. 


260  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

two  Mulatto  girls  10  and  8  years. 

one  Mulatto  boy  5  years. 

"Also  hogs,  horses,  cattle  and  sheep,  household  furniture  and 
farming  tools." 

These  were  all  to  be  sold  at  auction  on  June  3,  1843. 

We  cite  this  since  it  is  the  latest  notice  of  the  kind,  which  we 
have  discovered.  But  such  advertisements  of  executors'  and 
sheriffs'  sales  were  quite  common  from  1816  to  1826 — see  the 
"Western  Intelligencer,"  the  "Illinois  Gazette,"  and  the 
"Ewardsville  Spectator,"  during  that  period.  The  executor's 
sale  given  above  may  also  be  found  copied  in  the  "Western 
Citizen"  for  July  6,  1843.  Sheriffs'  sales  of  slaves  occurred  as 
late  as  1853. 

4.  The  following  letter  of  Ninian  Edwards  (Governor  of  Illi- 
nois and  United  States  Senator),  which  is  now  in  the  possession 
of  Mr.  Chas.  Carroll,  Jr.,  of  Shawneetown,  is  a  most  excellent 
commentary  upon  the  methods  and  practices  of  the  men  who  held 
negroes  as  slaves  in  the  twenties,  especially  as  regards  the  man- 
agement and  the  value  of  their  servants. 

"Belleville,  23  June,  1829. — Sir:  You  gave  to  your  agent,  to 
whom  I  delivered  the  negroes  I  sold  you,  full  authority  to  act  for 
you,  and  promised  that  you  would  comply  with  any  arrangement 
he  might  make  with  me.  In  consequence  of  which  I  permitted 
him,  for  reasons  which  you  are  apprised  of,  and  approved,  to  take 
away  my  little  servants,  Nelson  and  Ellen,  upon  his  explicit 
engagement  that  they  should  be  returned  to  me  whenever  thereto 
required.  You,  yourself,  gave  me  an  assurance  that  they  should 
be  returned,  and  subsequently  wrote  to  me  what  you  had  done 
with  that  in  view,  and  the  reasons  of  the  failure.  I  have  re- 
peatedly demanded  their  return,  and  in  the  most  unequivocal  and 
unqualified  manner,  in  the  course  of  the  past  year,  and  shall  hold 
you  liable  for  a  reasonable  compensation  for  their  services  up  to 
the  receipt  of  this  letter.  If,  however,  you  choose  to  keep  them 
at  the  rate  of  $70  per  annum  for  the  hire  of  the  boy  and  $50  per 
annum  for  the  hire  of  the  girl,  you  clothing  them,  paying  doctor's 
bills  and  all  other  necessary  expenses,  you  may  keep  them  till  I 
notify  you  to  the  contrary.  I  shall  have  to  pay  more  for  services 
which  I  stand  in  absolute  need  of  and  which  they  are  perfectly 
capable  of  performing  more  to  my  satisfaction.  Your  keeping 


APPENDIX   II.  261 

these  servants  will  be  considered  as  assenting  to  pay  me  for  their 
services  according  to  the  foregoing  proposition.  I  will  take  noth- 
ing less,  and  therefore  nothing  more  need  be  said  about  it.  Very 
respectfully  I  am,  sir,  yr.  mo.  ob.  st.  (Signed.)  Ninian  Edwards. 

Col.  Wright,  Equality,  111. 

5.  In  the  Registry  of  Negroes  and  Mulattoes  of  St.  Clair 
County,  dating  from  March  26,  1846,  to  September  24,  1863, 
there  is  recorded  an  excellent  specimen  of  the  customary  "Free- 
dom Papers." 

It  is  attested  by  Vital  Jarrot — Justice  of  Peace — and  William 
McClintock — Clerk  of  the  County  Commissioner's  Court,  and 
reads  as  follows, — 

State  of  Illinois  )  Be  it  remembered  that  on  this  tenth  day 

Co.  of  St.  Clair  f  "  of  April,  A.D.  1847  before  me,  William 
McClintock,  Clerk  of  the  County  Commissioner's  Court  within 
and  for  the  said  County  of  St.  Clair  and  State  of  Illinois,  per- 
sonally Appeared  a  dark  Mulattoe  man,  Calling  himself  Wilson 
Ross,  to  have  his  name  entered  of  Record,  together  with  the 
description  of  his  person  and  evidence  of  his  freedom,  which  is 
done  as  follows 

viz:  Evidence 

Know  all  men  by  these  presents  that  Whereas  on  the  2Qth  day  of 
October,  A.D.,  1841, 1,  Elizabeth  Padfield,  then  living  in  St.  Louis, 
and  now  in  Illinoistown  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  purchased  of 
Ebbert  J.  Vaughan,  a  negro  man  then  a  slave  owing  Service  to 
said  Vaughan,  and  Whereas  as  at  the  purchase  of  said  slave  it 
was  my  intention  to  liberate  him  as  soon  as  he  would  compensate 
me  by  his  labor  and  money  for  the  Amount  I  paid  for  him,  to  wit, 
the  sum  of  Eight  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars :  and  Whereas 
the  said  slave  whose  name  is  Wilson  Ross  (commonly  called 
Wilson,  simply,)  has  now  fully  compensated  me  for  the  purchase 
money.  Now  Therefore  in  Consideration  as  above  stated,  in  con- 
nection with  my  present  husband,  Abraham  Padfield  we  hereby 
emancipate,  liberate  and  set  free  the  said  Wilson  Ross  in  as  full  a 
manner  as  if  he  had  been  born  free.  And  Whereas  in  the  course 
of  time  it  may  be  necessary,  that  he  should  be  known  by  certain 
descriptions  as  well  as  by  name,  we  annex  the  following  descrip- 
tion of  him.  Wilson  Ross  is  about  thirty  years  of  age,  is  five  feet 
six  inches  and  a  half  in  height,  (barefooted),  is  a  dark  mulatto  and 


262  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN  ILLINOIS 

has  on  his  person  three  notable  marks,  one  of  them  is  on  his  left 
leg,  and  is  two  scars  from  the  bite  of  a  dog,  resembling  a  shot 
from  the  calf  of  the  leg  forward  towards  the  shin  bone, — another 
is  a  scar  on  his  right  Wrist  which  was  a  cut  with  a  knife  and  is 
about  one  and  a  half  inches  in  length,  and  being  transverse  of  the 
wrist  immediately  back  of  the  Thumb, — and  the  other  is  a  similar 
cut  on  the  inside  of  the  left  wrist.  Given  under  our  hands  and 
seals  this  gth  day  of  April  A.D.  1847. 

his 

Abraham    X    Padfield    [Seal] 
In  presence  of   )  mark 

Vital  Jarrot        >  her 

Elizabeth    X     Padfield    [Seal] 
mark 

State  of  Illinois    >  I,  Vital  Jarrot,  a  Justice  of  the  Peace 

St.  Clair  County  I  in  and  for  said  County,  hereby  certify 
that  Abraham  Padfield  and  Elizabeth  Padfield  each  of  whom 
are  personally  known  to  me  to  be  the  same  persons  mentioned 
in  the  above  article  of  emancipation,  personally  appeared 
before  me,  the  said  Wilson  Ross  also  known  to  me,  being  also 
present,  and  acknowledged  that  they  had  executed  the  said  article 
to  said  Wilson  Ross  for  the  purposes  therein  mentioned. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  this  Qth  day  of  April  A.D. 

1847- 

Vital  Jarrot    [Seal] 

Justice  of  the  Peace. 
Test.    Wm.  McClintock  Clk.  Co.  Com.  Ct.  St.  Clair  Co. 


APPENDIX    III. 

DATA   RELATIVE   TO  THE    CONTEST   OF 
1823-1824. 

A.  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Elections  in  the  case  of  the 
contested  Election  in  Pike  Co. 

This  was  copied  by  Mr.  Churchill  and  given  to  the  Edwards- 
ville  Spectator  for  publication,  at  the  time.  It  is  to  be  found  in 
the  issue  of  that  paper  dated  March  I,  1823,  and  also  in  No.  10  of 
Mr.  Churchill's  "Annotations"  in  the  "Alton  Telegraph,"  June  2, 
1865. 

It  was  concurred  in  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on 
December  9,  1822,  and  reads  as  follows: 

....  The  first  thing  that  presents  itself  to  your  Committee 
is,  whether  the  necessary  notice  had  been  regularly  made  agree- 
abie  to  the  Status  of  the  State  in  such  case  made  and  provided. 
This  in  the  opinion  of  your  Committee  is  the  standard  unto  which 
they  are  directed  to  look  as  their  guide,  and  also  upon  which  the 
House  is  to  decide. 

In  the  paper  marked  A.  (herewith  submitted)  and  dated  Coles- 
grove,  Pike  County,  August  19,  1822,  will  be  seen  the  first  notice 
which  appears  to  have  been  given  in  this  case,  but  under  which 
notice  no  testimony  that  is  before  your  Committee  appears  to 
have  been  taken.  In  the  paper  marked  B.  (also  submitted)  will 
be  seen  a  second  notice,  dated  Colesgrove,  Pike  County,  Septem- 
ber 4,  1822,  c.nd  which  appears  to  have  been  served  August  7, 
1822.  This  by  a  comparison  of  the  dates  appears  impossible, •  as 
the  service  must  have  taken  place  before  the  notice  was  in  exist- 
ence, and  this  your  Committee  deem  impossible.  Your  Commit- 
tee therefore  do  consider  this  as  no  notice  at  all,  and  any  testimony 
that  may  have  been  taken  under  it  as  null  and  void,  and  deserves 
not  the  consideration  of  the  House;  and  inasmuch  as  the  law  is 
imperative  in  limiting  the  time  of  service,  which  must  not  extend 
to  a  longer  period  than  20  days  after  election.  The  Committee 

261 


264  NEGRO   SERVITUDE  IN   ILLINOIS 

beg  leave  to  submit  for  the  consideration  of  the  House  the  follow- 
ing Resolutions, — Resolved,  that  Mr.  Hansen  is  entitled  to  his 
seat  in  the  House ; 

Resolved  that  the  Committee  be  discharged  from  further  con- 
sideration of  the  subject." 

B.  List  of  members  voting  for  and  against  the  Convention 
resolution  in  February,  1823. 

FOR: 

Senators:  12. 

Boon  (Wm),  Jackson  County. 

Barker  Lewis),  Pope  County. 

Beaird  (Jos.  A.),  Monroe  County. 

Smith  (T.  W.),  Madison  County. 

White  (Leonard),  White  County. 

Crozier  (Sam.),  Randolph  County. 

Jones  of  Gallatin  County. 

Grammer  (J.),  Union  County. 

Jones  of  Bond  County. 

.Kinney  (Wm.),  St.  Clair  County. 

Ladd  (Milton),  Johnson  and  Franklin  Counties. 

Sloo  (Thos.),  Jefferson  and  Marion  Counties. 

Representatives:  24. 

Alexander  (W.  M.)  of  Alexander  County,  the  Speaker 

of  the  House. 
Alexander,  Pope  County. 
Alexander,  Monroe  County. 
Berry  (Wm.),  Fayette  County. 
Campbell,  Wayne  County. 
Casey  (Jadoc),  Jefferson  and  Marion  Counties. 
Daimwood,  Gallatin  County. 
Davenport,  Gallatin  County. 
Dorriss  (T.)  Franklin  County. 
Field  (Alex.  W.),  Union  County. 
Ford,  Crawford  County. 
Logan  (G.  R.)  White  County. 
McFatridge,  Johnson  County. 
McFerron,  Randolph  County. 
Mclntosh  (John),  Union  County. 
Phillips  (Alex.),  White  County. 
Rattan,  Green  County. 
Shaw  (J.),  Pike  County. 
Trotier  (J.),  St.  Clair  County. 
Turney  (Jas.  F.),  Washington  County. 
West  (E.  J.),  Madison  County. 
Whiteside  (J.  A.),  Pope  County. 
Will  (C.),  Jackson  County. 
Widen  (R.),  Randolph  County. 


APPENDIX   III.  265 

AGAINST: 
Senators:  6. 

Bankson  (A.  Col.),  Washington  County. 
Cadwell  (G.),  Green  County. 
Frazier  (Robt.),  Edwards  County. 
Kinkade  (Wm.),  Wayne  and  Lawrence  Counties. 
—Parker  (DanJ,  Crawford  County. 

Stillman  (Stephen),  Sangamon  County. 
Representatives:  12. 

Blakeman*(Curtiss),  Madison  County. 
Cairnes  (Abram),  Lawrence  County. 
Churchill  (Geo.),  Madison  County. 
Emmitt  (J.),  White  County. 
Lowry  (Wm.),  Clark  County. 
Mather  (Thos.),  Randolph  County. 
M'Gahey  (David),  Crawford  County. 
Moore  (Ridson),  St.  Clair  County. 
Ogle  (Jacob),  St.  Clair  County. 
Pell  (G.  T.),  Bond  County. 
Sims  (Jas.),  Sangamon  County. 

C.  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  agreement  signed  by 
the  Anticonvention  members  on  February  18,  1823,  immediately 
after  the  adjournment  of  the  Session  of  1822-1823.  The  original 
was  found  among  the  papers  of  Curtiss  Blakeman  after  his  death 
(May  22,  1833),  and  twenty-three  years  afterwards  it  was  printed 
in  full  in  the  "Alton  Courier"  (July  15,  1858),  by  one  of  his  de- 
scendants. It  reads: 

"Copy." 

"We,  the  subscribers,  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  support- 
ing some  newspaper  establishment,  the  conductor  of  which  will 
take  a  firm  and  manly  stand  against  the  introduction  of  slavery 
into  this  State,  and  against  the  calling  of  a  Convention  to  alter  the 
Constitution;  the  sole  object  of  which  we  are  well  convinced  is  to 
effect  the  introduction  of  slavery;  do  hereby  agree  to  use  our 
utmost  exertions  and  endeavors  to  support  such  newspaper  estab- 
lishment as  shall  be  fixed  upon.  Henry  Starr,  Curtiss  Blakeman 
&  Thomas  Mather  Esqs.  are  hereby  appointed  a  Committee  to 
make  such  arrangement  as  they  shall  deem  necessary  with  the 
conductor  of  such  newspaper,  ....  we,  the  subscribers,  do 
hereby  subscribe  for  the  number  of  copies  of  such  newspapers  set 
opposite  to  our  respective  names,  at  $5.00  a  year,  in  State  paper, 
to  be  paid  in  advance,  the  amount  of  which  subscriptions  shall  be 
deposited  with  the  above  named  Committee." 


266 


NEGRO   SERVITUDE   IN   ILLINOIS 


NAMES  OF  SUBSCRIBERS 

Wm.  Kincade 
Abraham  Carnes 
Ridson  Moore 
Geo.  Churchill 
Henry  Starr 
A.  Bankston 
Thos.  Mather 
James  Sims 
Jacob  Ogle 
G.  Caldwell 
Curtiss  Blakeman 
Henry  S.  Dodge 
Wm.  Lowery 
Wm.  H.  Brown 
Thos.  Lippencott 
Stephen  Stillman 
Gilbert  T.  Pell 
Sam'l  D.  Lockwood 
Dan.  Parker 
David  M.'  Gahey 
John  Emitt 

21  subscribers 


NO.  OF  PAPERS       PLACES  WHERE  DIRECTED 

$10  paid 

Lawrenceville 

10  paid 

Lawrenceville 

10  paid 

St.  Clair 

10  paid 

Edwardsville 

10  paid 

Edwardsville 

10  paid 

Covington 

10  paid 

Kaskaskia 

10  paid 

Springfield 

10  paid 

Belleville 

IO  paid 

Carrollton 

10  paid 

Edwardsville 

10  paid 

Kaskaskia 

10  paid 

Clark  County 

5  paid 

Vandalia 

5  paid 

Edwardsville 

10  paid 

Springfield 

10  paid 

Edwards  County 

10  paid 

Vandalia 

10  paid 

Palestine 

10  paid 

Palestine 

5  paid 

New  Haven 

$195 


Feb.  18,  1823. 

Subscriptions  for  the  address  of  the  minority  to  be  printed  signed 
— by  14  of  the  above  subscribers,  amt.  contributed  — $15. 

6  March  1823 —        800. 

To  be  paid  to  Hooper  Warren    $815. 

The  above  has  been  carried  fully  into  effect  and  settled  in  full, 
by  Liberty  being  fully  established  in  this  State  &  so  may  it 
remain." 

Curtiss  Blakeman. 

(Signed) 


APPENDIX   IV. 


267 


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INDEX. 


INDEX 


Abolitionists,  63-65,  79-81, 142-144, 160, 
161,  167,  174,  182,  222,  22.3,  236 

Adams,  Charles  F.,  166 

Adams  County  Antislavery  Society, 
see  Antislavery  Societies 

Allen,  Rev.  W.  T.,  136,  139,  140,  142, 
152 

Alton,  178 

Alton  "Observer,"  The,  79,  85-94,  97, 
125, 126 

Alton  public  schools,  230 

Alton  riots,  92,  93 

Alton  riot  trials,  95 

Anticonventionists,  34',  49-50;  Appeal 
of,  41;  Toasts  of,  453 

Anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  200,  201 

Anti-Nebraska  Party,  199-207 ;  see 
also  Republican  Party 

Antislavery  newspapers,  see  Chicago 
"Daily  Times,"  Edwardsville 
"Spectator,"  "Emancipator," 
"  Free  Soil  Banner,"  "  Free  West, 
The,"  "Genius  of  Liberty," 
"Genius  of  Universal  Emancipa- 
tion," "Liberator,"  Alton  "Ob- 
server," St.  Louis  "Observer," 
"  Philanthropist,"  Sparta  "  Free- 
man," "  Western  Citizen,  The" 

Antislavery  Societies,  Adams  County, 
67,  67",  125-,  146;  Anti-Nebraska 
clubs,  204;  Bureau  County.  146;  Chi- 
cago, 139;  Free  Democratic,  187; 
Free  Soil;  170;  170* ;  Illinois  State, 
82,  87, 116, 125,  128,  129,  131-133,  137- 
141,  147,  152,  181;  Jersey  County, 
125';  Knox  County,  129',  146;  La 
Salle  County,  129',  133,  137;  Madi- 
son County,  82, 125*;  Putnam  Coun- 
ty, 115,  I252, 131, 132, 142,  i46;Taswell 
County,  139;  Troy  Grove  140:  War- 


ren County,  129*5  Will  County,  125", 
142;  Wisconsin  Territory,  152;  see 
also    Liberty    Associations,    Hale 
Clubs,  etc. 
Archer,  W.  B.  192 

B 

Bailey  vs.  Cromwell,  105 

Bailhache,  Mr.,  90 

Balet,  M.,  4 

Banks,  N.  P.,  203 

Bankson,  A.,   i,  41,  265 

Barnburners,  The,  163,  164',  164*,  178 

Beardsley  J.  J.,  204 

Beauvais,  M.,  4 

Beecher,  Dr.  Edward,  87,  89'.  89",  126* 

Berry,  Mr.,40-1,  46,  47 

Bibb,  Henry,  160 

Birkbeck,  Morris,  42",  44,  48* 

Birney,  James  G.,  146 

Bishop,  Lyman,  93,  93' 

Bissell,  W.  H.,  198,  201 

Black  Laws,  The,  10,  io5,  24,  121,  138. 

148, 157, 162,  188,  233-236,  240 
Blackwell,  David,  47l 
Blakeman,  Curtiss,  41' ,  265,  266 
Blais,  Marie  L.,  259 
Bloomington    Convention,    199;    see 

Conventions 
Bonaparte,  Jack,  259 
Bond,  Governor,  42,  48 
Boon,  V.  Juliet,  104 
Borders,  Andrew,  106-108,  io6l 
Breckenridge,  John  C.,  221 
Breeze,  Sidney,  121, 12ia 
Brown,  Joseph,  922 
Brown,  Thomas  C  ,  31* 
Brown,  W.  H.,  39" 
Browning,  D.  H.,  202 
Bureau  County  Antislavery  Society; 

see  Antislavery  Societies 
Burr,  James  E  ,  162 


271 


272 


INDEX 


Cadwell,  G.,  41',  265 

Cairnes,  W.,  41',  265 

Campbell,  Mr.,  88 

Carpenter,  Philo,  61,  148,  184 

Caton,  Judge  J.  D.,  in,  174* 

Chapman,  T.  S.,  231' 

Chase,  S.  P.,  193,  219 

Chester,  Elisha  W.,  97,  126 

Chicago  Antislavery  Society;  see  An- 
tislavery  Society 

Chicago  "  Daily  Times,"  184-86;  see 
Antislavery  papers 

Chicago  "Democratic  Press,"  196, 
iq63 

Chicago  Free  Soil  League,  169 

Chicago  "Journal,"  192 

Chicago  "Tribune,"  195,  195* 

Childs,  S.  D.,  148 

Choisser  vs.  Barney  Hargrave,  104' 

Church,  S.  M.,  198* 

Churchill,  Geo.,  37,  39,  41',  42,  263, 265 

Churchill,  Geo.,  "Annotations,"  20', 
21",  24,  331,  38',  250 

Clay,  Cassius  M,,  187,  190 

Cochran,  Samuel,  12,  258 

Codding,  Ichabod,  151,  153,  154,  158, 
187, 190, 193 

Code  Noir,  Le,  3 

Coffing,  Churchill,  180,  180* 

Cold  Spring  Prairie  Antislavery  So- 
ciety; see  Antislavery  Societies 

Coles,  Governor  Edward,  n,  16,  iS1, 
30,  32,  42,  431,44l,  45'.  461,  47' 

Collins,  Fred,  147,  148 

Collins,  James  H.,  in,  122,  148,  165', 
180,  180",  181 

Committee  of  Five,  83 

Compagnie  de  1'Occident,  i 

Compromise  of,  1850,  178 

Constitution,  The,  1818,  22,  23,  25,  26; 
1862,  238,  239 

Conventions:  Anti-Nebraska;  see  Re- 
publican; Barnburners,  1847,  164; 
Bloomington,  199;  Constitutional, 
1818,  18-20;  1847,  233,  235;  1862,  238, 
239;  Contest  for  a,  27-49;  Decatur, 
of  Editors,  1856,  197;  Democratic, 


1848,  172',  172";  1850,  179,  179*;  1856, 
199",  200;  Free  Democratic,  1848, 
169;  1852,  184;  1853,  186;  Free  Demo- 
cratic County,  1852,  185;  1854,  190; 
Free  Democratic  District,  1852,  185; 
Free  Soil,  1850,  179,  179*;  Illinois 
Antislavery  Society;  1837,  87,  125; 
1838,  128;  1840,  138;  1841,  137;  Illi- 
nois Antislavery,  1851,  181,  182;  Lib- 
erty County,  1842,  150;  1844,  154; 
1848, 171;  1851-2,  183';  Liberty  Dis- 
trict, 1843,  151;  1844,  154;  1847,  159, 
i6ol,  161;  1848,  162,  171;  1851,  183; 
Liberty  Party,  1841,  138;  1842,  148, 
141;  I&44,  153;  1846,  157;  1848,  161, 
162,  164;  National  Democratic,  1856, 
201,  201',  20ia;  National  Free  Demo- 
cratic, 1851, 182,  184;  National  Free 
Soil,  1848,  166;  National  Liberty, 
1847,  163;  1851,  182;  National  Re- 
publican, 1856,  203;  Northwestern 
Liberty,  1846, 159;  Republican,  1854, 
193.  193*;  I856;  !99:  l858-  207;  Re- 
publican County,  1858,  207;  Repub- 
lican District,  1854,  191,  192;  South- 
ern Illinois  Antislavery,  1851,  181, 
i8i3;  Southern  Illinois  Liberty,  1847, 
161;  Whig,  1850,  180,  180';  1854^192. 

Conventionists,  34-49,  Appeal  of,  40: 
Toasts  of,  45". 

Cook,  B.  C.,  202,  204,  219 

Cook,  Rev.  Chauncey,  128,  129-131; 
136',  142 

Cook,  Daniel  P.,  27,  30,  301,  31,  48 

Cornelius  vs.  Cohen,  51,  5i3,  99,  100. 

Cross,  John,  106,  107,  138,  142,  151, 
165' 

Crozat,  Antoine,  i 

D 

Daimwood,  Mr.,  37,  39 

Daniel,  109 

Davis,  Hezekiah,  12,  258 

Davis,  W.  T.  M.,  122 

Dayton,  W.  L.,  203 

De  Wolf,  Calvin,  146',  148 

Dickey,  James  H.,  131,  139,  142 

Dimmock,  Thomas,  go7,  92* 

Douglas,  Frederic,  187 


INDEX 


273 


Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  113,  180,  181, 
189,  190,  196,  ig63,  200,  201 ;  Lincoln 
Debates,  207-221,  222 

Dred  Scott  case,  The,  206,  208,  210, 
211,  216,  217 

Dudley,  E.  J.,  198 

Duncan,  James,  55 

Durkee,  Charles,  182 

Dyer,  Dr.   C.  V.,  61,  6i«,  146*,  148, 

162,  i65l 

E 

Eastman,  Z.,  61,  63,  63',  633,  127,  128, 
133,  134, 1341,  134*,  I3S,  M9,  158,  160, 

163,  166,  183,  184,  185,  186,  187,  191, 
203* ,  2231 

Eddy,  Henry,  258 

Edwards,  Gov.  Ninian,  7,  n,  12,  16, 

ig3,  28',  28'  29,  260 
Edwardsville  "Spectator,"  29,  zq1,  29', 

31,  41,  42*,  47,  124,  I241 
Eells,  Richard,  112,  113,  116,  157 
Election  of  1840,  146;   1842,  150;  1844, 

154-5;  1846,  159;  1847,  159;  1848,  170, 

172,  173;  1856,  204  and  204";   1858, 

220,  22o2,  and  267 
"Emancipator,"  The,  124*,  126 
Emmitt,  J.,  41*,  265 
English  Bill,  The,  206 


Farnum,  Mr.,  151 

Field,  Mr.,  38 

Fletcher,  Richard,  97 

Fort  Chartres,  2,  3 

Foster,  James,  109 

Frazier,  Rob't,  41*,  265 

Free  Democratic  Party,  166, 166*,  184, 
185,  185',  180,  187,  191,  192;  see  Con- 
ventions 

Freeman,  Jonathan,  Letters  of,  44 

Fremont,  John  C.,  203 

"Free  Soil  Banner,"  169 

Free  Soil  Party,  The,  166,  166',  167, 
168, 169,  170,  171,  173, 175,  183 

"Free  West,':    The,  187,  189,  192,  195 

French,  Governor,  174 

Fugitive  Slave  Law,  178,  179,  180,  181, 
216,  217 


Gage,  Gen.  Thomas,  4 

Garrison,  W.  L.,  62,  143 

"Genius  of  Liberty,"  134,  135,   135', 

137, 138,  140,  141, 149 
"Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation," 

124",  126,  128, 132,  132',  132",  134 
Giddings,  J.  R.,  193,  195 
Gillespie,  Jas.,  198 
Oilman,  Mr.,  92,  93 
Godfrey,  Oilman  &  Co.,  91 
Goodman,  E.,  187 
Goodrich,  Grant,  199 
Grammer,  John,  71,  34,  36 
Graves,  Rev.  F.  W.,  90* 

H 

Hale  Clubs,  185 

Hale,  John  P.,  162,  163,  165,  166',  184, 

203 

Hale,  Luke,  165' 
Hall,  James,  20 
Hamilton  Primary  School,  231,  231*, 

231" 

Hamilton,  Gen.  John,  231* 
Hamilton,  Dr.  Silas,  231 
Hamilton,  George  W.,  231* 
Hammond,  Charles,  72' 
Hansen,  Nicholas,  32,  33, 34,  36,  37,  38, 

39,  263,  264 

Hargrave,  Barney,  104* 
Harned,  William,  91,  94 
Haven,  O.  H.,  178,  178* 
Hawley,  C.  M.,  160,  187 
Henderson,  J.  H.,  151 
Herndon,  W.  J.,  198' 
Hoffman,  F.  A.,  198,  199,  202 
Hone,  V.  Ammons,  119,  120 
Hood,  James,  58',  59" 
Hunter,  C.  W.,  140,  148,  165* 
Hurlburt,  Rev.  T.  B.,  87 

I 

Illinois  Antislavery  Society,  see  Anti- 
slavery  Societies 
Illinois  "Gazette,"  31 
Illinois  "Intelligencer,"29*,393, 42", 47' 
Illinois  "Republican,"  42* 


274 


INDEX 


J 

Jarrot  vs.  Jarrot,  112,  116,  117, 118 

Jay,  Joseph,  101 

Jay,  William,  101,  102 

Jerseyville  Academy,  232 

Jersey  County  Antislavery    Society, 

125*;  see  Antislavery  Societies 
Jesuits,  3,  4 

Johnson,  Governor,  219 
Jones,  William,  154 
Judd,  Norman  B.,  igg,  200,  201, 205, 224 
Julian,  Mr.,  184 
Juliet,  104 

K 

Kane,  E.  K.,  20,  ai1,  28,  29,  30,  42 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  187,  189,  199, 
200 

Kaskaskia,  2,  6 

Kelsey,  D.  M.,  185,187 

Keykendall,  Benj.,  13 

Kidnapping,  14,  32,  54,  56,  55*;  ste  Ne- 
groes 

King,  Leicester,  163,  165 

Kinkade,  William,  41',  165 

Kinney  vs.  Cook,  105 

Kitchell,  Rev.  A.  W.,  66 

Kitchell,  Joseph,  20s,  233 

Kitchell,  W.,  20 

Knightlinger,  Jacob,  106 

Knowlton,  D.  A.,  184 

Knox  County  Antislavery  Society, 
I29\  146;  see  Antislavery  Societies 

Knox,  James,  192 

Koerner,  Gustave,  108,  122, 193,  198*, 
200,  201 

Kohokia,  a 

Krum,  Mayor,  87, 91,  93 


Larned,  E.  C.,  181 

La  Salle  County  Antislavery  Society; 

see  Antislavery  Societies 
Lawless,  Judge,  76,  ?65,  7&5 
Lecompton  Constitution,  206,  208,  210 
Leslie,  Mrs.,  114 
"Liberator,  The,"  124'  125;  see  Anti-' 

slavery  Papers 


Liberty  Associations,  152,  153,  158 

"Liberty  Banner,"  158;  see  Anti- 
slavery  Papers 

Liberty  Party,  see  Conventions 

Linder,  U.  F.,  901,  95 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  candidate  for  Sena- 
tor, 193,  196;  Bloomington  Speech, 
202;  Attitude  on  slavery,  203,  205; 
Debates  with  Douglas,  207-221,224 

Lincoln-Douglas  Debates,  The,  207. 
221 

Lippencott,  Rev.  Thomas,  35,  371,  41, 
42,95 

Lippencott,  Rev.  Thomas,  "Reminis- 
cences," 18',  30*,  250 

Lockwood,  S.  D.,  42,  47,  100,  102,  114 

Logan,  John  A.,  226,  234",  235,  2361 

Long,  Enoch,  92,  93 

Louisiana,  Lower,  i,  3 

Louisiana,  Upper,  1-3 

Lovejoy,  Celia  French,  72" 

Lovejoy,  Elijah  Parish,  67;  Youth,  68, 
69;  in  St.  Louis,  69,  77;  in  Alton,  78- 
98;  Attitude  towards  abolitionism, 
79,  83;  Attacks  upon,  84,  88;  Speech, 
89;  Death,  94;  Opinions  on  death,  95, 
96 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  no,  in,  142, 151, 156', 
158, 159,  162,  165' ,  170*,  193-195,  202, 
204,  205 

Lowry,  William,  41*,  265 

Lundy,    Benjamin,    no,  126-128,  132, 

I32l 

M 

McAdams,  Joseph,  55* 

McClellan,  J.,  165,  165',  166 

McClure,  E.,  193* 

McGahey,  D.,  41',  265 

McFatridge,  Mr.,  36 

Mclntosh,  Frances,  75 

McLean,  John,  31,  121 

Madison  County  Antislavery  Society, 

82, 1252;  see  Antislavery  Societies 
Maloney,  Dr.,  179,  179',  179",  180 
Manierre,  George,  181 
Markham,  Rev.  F.  J.,  187 
Mather,  Thomas,  39,  41',  42,  265 
Matteson,  General,  112,  118,  119 


INDEX 


275 


Matteson,  Governor,  196 
Matthews,  Elder  Edward,  139,  152 
Maxwell,  P.,  172,  172* 
Miller,  James,  193,  204 
Missouri  Gazette,  13 
Moore,  General  James  B.,  31* 
Moore,  John,  199' 
Moore,  Ridson,  41*,  265 

N 

Nance  vs.  Howard,  Ji3, 100,  101 

Nancy,  no,  in 

Negroes,  Acts  concerning,  7-10, 12, 26'; 
Acts  concerning  free,  iSj3,  188,  226- 
236,  242;  Advertisements  of,  13;  Auc- 
tions of,  13,  13*,  2373;  Bills  of  sale, 
12,  S27,  237,  258,  259;  Escape  of,  see 
Underground  railway;  Kidnapping 
of,  see  Kidnapping;  Registration  of, 
10,  ii,  II*,  12;  Sales  of,  n,  12,  14,  52, 
53.  2373,  258,  259;  Slaves,  under  the 
French,  2,  4;  under  the  English,  4, 
5;  in  1818, 15;  in  1830,  52;  Slave  trade, 
i,  2;  see  also,  Will  records 

Nelson  vs.  the  People,  120,  237 

Niles,  Nathaniel,  551,  58',  122,  245 

Norton,  Mr.,  192 

Nye,  General,  203 

o 

"Observer,"  The,  see  Alton  and  St. 

Louis 

"Observer,"  printing  press,  94* 
Ogden,  W.  B.,  179, 179',  180,  198* 
Oglesby,  R.  J.,  198,  219,  224 
Ordinance  of  1787,  6  _ 

Ottawa  Plan,  The,  186,  187 


Pacificus,  19 

Padfield,  Abraham,  261,  262 

Padfield,  Elizabeth,  261,  262 

Palmer,  John  M.,  201,  205,  219,  233 

Parker,  Daniel,  41',  265 

Parker,  G.  D.  A.,  198' 

Parker,  Lucius  H.,  165* 

Peck,  Rev.  J.  M.,  42,  433,  63.  78' 

Pell,  GHber|,4ll,jei$ 

Perry,  James,  162 


Pettingill,  Moses,  165' 

"Philanthropist,  The,"  65,  65*,  96", 
124',  125,  126,  133;  see  Antislavery 
Papers 

Phillips,  D  L.,  198 

Phillips,  Joseph,  30,  42 

Phillips,  Wendell,  97 

Phcebe  vs.  William  Jay,  101,  102 

Pickett,  T.  J.,  198 

Pittman,  Captain  Philip,  4 

Prairie  du  Rocher,  2 

Proslavery  newspapers,  see  "Illinois 
Gazette,"  "Illinois  Intelligencer," 
"Illinois  Republican,"  "Shawnee- 
town  Gazette,"  "Star  of  the  West" 

Pugh,  Mr.,  4il,  265 

Purple,  Mr.,  no,  in 

Putnam  County  Antislavery  Society, 
see  Antislavery  Societies 

R 

Ratten,  Mr.,  35 

Ray,  C.  H.,  197 

Renault,  Philip  F.,  i 

Republican  Party  (IlMnois),  190,  191, 

194, 197-199,  203-207,  219-221 
Richardson,  Otis,  187 
Richardson,  W.  A.,  199* 
Roberts,  Levi,  38 
Robinson,  Governor,  203,  304 
Rock,  J.  M.,  95» 
Rodney  vs.  Illinois  Central  Railway, 

120 
Ross,  Wilson,  261,  262 


St.  Clair,  A.,  160 

St.  Clair,  Governor,  6 

St.  Genevieve,  4 

St.  Louis  Exchange  and  Land  Office, 

13 

St.  Louis  "Observer,"  The,  69-72, 74-77 
St.  Philip,  a 
Salt  Mines,  15 
Sarah  vs.  Borders,  106,  108 
Scammon,  J.  Young,  171*,  174 
Scales,  Justice,  108 
Schurz,  Carl,  219 
Selby,  Paul,  197 


276 


INDEX 


Settlers  of  Illinois,  16,  17 

Shaw,  John,  32-34,  36-39,  263,  264 

Shawneetown  "Gazette,"  42*,  45*;  see 
Proslavery  Papers 

Shields,  Judge,  113,  117 

Shields,  Senator,  194,  196 

Sherman,  F.  C.,  172*,  197 

Sidway,  Levi,  231*, 

Simms,  James,  41*,  265 

Skinner,  Judge,-  109*,  120*,  199,  237, 
237* 

Slave  Trade,  i;  see  Negroes 

Smith,  Abram,  157 

Smith,  Gerrit,  143,  143',  182 

Smith,  Henry,  148 

Smith,  T.  W.,  42,  104,  121 

Snow,  Henry  W.,  162 

Snyder,  Geo.,  197 

"Sparta  Freeman,"  184,  \%4l\see  Anti- 
slavery  Papers 

"Star  of  the  West,"  31*.  42*;  see  also 
Proslavery  Papers 

Statutes  concerning  Negroes,  see  Ne- 
groes 

Stephenson,  Benj.,  n* 

Stillman,  S.,  41',  265 

Stillwell,  Judge,  231° 

Street,  General  Joseph  M.,  28 

Sumner,  Senator,  206 

Swan,  Hurlburt,  161 


Tanner,  Henry,  92,  92' 

Taswell  County  Antislavery  Society, 

139;  see  Antislavery  Societies 
Taylor,  Z.,  173 
Tenney,  J.  A.,  134 
Thomas,  J.  B.,  20, 107,  108,  121,  121' 
Thornton's  Case,  109*,  119 
Treat,  Judge  S.  H.,  109,  112,  118,  174" 
Troy  Grove  Antislavery  Society,  140; 

see  Antislavery  Societies 
Trumbull,  Lyman,  108,  122,  123,  174°, 

192-196,  I9&3,  202,  204,  219,  224 
Twist,  Mose,  55*,  58,  59 

u 

Underground  Railway,  58,  59, 60, 61, 62 
Usrey,  W.  J.,  197 


Van    Buren,    Martin,    166,   169,  171, 

173 

Van  Dorn,  Mr.,  61 
Vaughan,  E.  J.,  261 
Vaughan,  Joseph,  259 
"Vermont  Free  Press,"  134 
Vivier,  M.,  2 

W 

Waite,  C.  B.,  158 
Walker,  John,  59" 
Warren  County  Antislavery  Society, 

129';  see  Antislavery  Societies 
Warren,  Hooper,  29-31,    29',  42,  43*, 

47,  63*.  133,  i87 
Washburne,  E.  B.,  191,  192 
Washington,  Lewis,  160 
Wentworth,  John,  172,   172*,  199,  201, 

205 

West,  Benjamin,  42 
West,  E.  J.,  40* 
West,  Hezekiah,  20 
West,  H.  W.,  92' 
"Western  Citizen,"  The,  149,  158,  160, 

169,  169*,  175,  184,  186 
"Western  Pioneer,'  The  78" 
White,  D.  V.,  231' 
Whitehead,  Mr.,  123 
Whitney,  James,  33 
Widen,  R.,  48',  264 
Wilkenson,  Ira  O.,  198 
Will  County  Antislavery  Society,  125*, 

142;  see  Antislavery  Societies 
Will  Records,  13,  i33,  13*,  52",  52", 

53s 

Willard  vs.  the  People,  114,  116 

Willard,  Dr.  Samuel,  87*,  245 

Williams,  Archibald,  192 

Wilmot  Proviso,  164,  177 

Wilson,  Judge,  112,  118 

Wisconsin  Territory  Antislavery  So- 
ciety, 152;  see  Antislavery  Societies 

Woodward,  J.  H.,  191 

Wright,  Mr.,  193 


Yates,  Richard,  192,  205,  219,  224 


